Most of  ‘The Bad Times’ takes place in or near to the small town of Kilkee in County Clare, where Brigit, Liam, Dan and Cú live. The following primary and secondary sources were used to make the historical context as authentic as possible.



SOURCE 1.  Clare and Kilkee before the Famine

SOURCE 2.  The town of Kilkee. Slater’s Street and Business Directory for Kilkee in 1846

SOURCE 3.  Evictions in Kilrush – A debate in the British House of Commons, London, 1849

SOURCE 4.  Sending Young Girls to Australia – The Orphan Emigration Scheme

 A.    List of Young Females sent from Kilrush Workhouse in 1849

 B.    Report from the London ‘Times,’ 22 January 1850.

 C.   ‘Emigration from Workhouses in Co. Clare, 1848-59,’ by Chris O’Mahony  

SOURCE 5.  A Recent History of Kilkee, by local historian, Timothy McInerney

SOURCE 6.  Colonel Vandeleur and Evictions. The Vandeleurs of Kilrush, County Clare
by Senan Scanlan

SOURCE 7. Reports and Images from The Illustrated London News and other newspapers


SOURCE 1. Clare and Kilkee before the Famine

"Clare, a county of Ireland, province of Munster, 55 miles long and 38 broad; bounded on the W by the Atlantic, N by Galway, and E and S by the Shannon, which separates it from Tipperary, Limerick, and Kerry. It is divided into 79 parishes, has two market towns, and sends three members to parliament. It breeds more horses than any other county in Ireland, beside a great number of cattle and sheep. Pop. 209,595. Capital, Ennis."
[From The New London Gazetteer (1826)]

“A village, in the parish of Kilfieragh, barony of Moyarta, county of Clare, and province of Munster, 61/2 miles (W. by N.) from Kilrush, on the western coast; containing 1051 inhabitants. In 1831 it consisted of 153 houses ; since which time several houses and bathing lodges have been erected, the village being much frequented as a bathing-place, chiefly by the citizens of Limerick, on account of its remarkably fine strand, which is sheltered by a ledge of rocks stretching across one-third of Kilkee bay. There are tepid baths, the property of Jonas Studdart, Esq. It has a penny post to Kilrush, and is a constabulary police station and a coast-guard station, the latter being one of the six within the district of Miltown-Malbay. Petty sessions are held every Friday, and a court for the recovery of small debts is occasionally held for the manor of Kilrush. It is in contemplation to establish fairs in May and August. Divine worship is performed in a lodge, but subscriptions are being collected for the erection of a new parochial church. A handsome and spacious R. C. chapel has been lately built, and there are a parochial school, and a dispensary.”
County Clare: A History and Topography, 1837 by Samuel Lewis


SOURCE 2.  The Town of Kilkee

Slater’s Street and Business Directory for Kilkee in 1846

Most of this narrative of ‘The Bad Times’ is set in the beautiful coastal town of Kilkee in County Clare, in the west of Ireland.  Kilkee was part of the Kilrush Poor Law Union, where the main workhouse was located. 

In 1846, ‘Slater’s Commercial Directory of Ireland’ was published, which gives details about the residents in Kilkee.  A number of the people and places mentioned in ‘The Bad Times’ are based on the information provided in this Directory.  One of the Catholic priests, Fr. Michael Comyn, for example, who features throughout ‘The Bad Times’ lived in Kilkee throughout the Great Hunger. Father Comyn was a supporter of Daniel O’Connell, the Irish nationalist who was leader of the Repeal movement, and he did reside in ‘Repeal Cottage.  The West End Hotel, which is depicted in the scene at the beach, also existed and prided itself on its fine dining.  The noted English writer, Charlotte Bronte, spent her honeymoon there in the 1850s.

The following information is from Slater’s Directory of 1846, the year that ‘The Bad Times’ commences:

Part 5: Kilkee: Gentry, Clergy and Places of Worship

Comyn, Rev. Jno., Summerhill Cottage.
Comyn, Rev. Michl. P.P., Repeal Cottage.
Comyn, Mr. Richd., Temperance road.
Cox, Mr. Matthew, Francis st.
Fitzgerald, Capt. G.H., Desmond Villa.
Fitzgerald, Rbt., Esq., Donobuoy Cottage.
Hartney, Rev. Mortimer, Repeal Cottage.
McMahon, Michael, Esq., Albert road.
Martin, Rev. James, Sand-park Lodge.
O’Brien, Rev. Wm., Repeal Cottage.
Ryan, Mr. John, Francis St.
Studdart, Joseph, Esq., Atlantic House.

Places of Worship,
(And their Ministers)

ESTABLISHED CHURCH Rev. James Martin, vicar, Sand-park Lodge.
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHAPEL Reverend Michael Comyn, Repeal Cottage; Rev. William O’Brien and Rev. Mortimer Hartney, Repeal Cottage.

 Part 5: Kilkee: Description

KILKEE, OR DOOGH, a small but improving town and watering place, in the parish of Kilfieragh, barony of Moyarta, county of Clare, is 178 miles W. S. W. from Dublin, 63 W. from Limerick, 35 S. W. from Ennis, and 10 W. N. W. from Kilrush; situated on the western coast of the county, in the beautiful little creek of Malbay. But a few years since, this charming little place was known only as the residence of a few humble fishermen, but the beauty of its marine view, and the security of its insulated position, soon raised it from obscurity, and every year has added to its reputation as a bathing place of great attraction. The town, which commands a fine view of the bay, is built close to the sea, and assumes a semicircular form from the shape of the strand which presents a fine smooth level esplanade of sand about half a mile in length, upon which the invalid may without fatigue enjoy the exhilarating sea breeze and the surrounding scenery. The principal street, which extends nearly the entire length of the town, is occasionally intersected with smaller ones, which run to the strand, and almost at every step afford a view of the Atlantic wave dashing into foam against the cliffs, and the rocks of Duggana, which run nearly across the bay. Commodious baths are erected near the water, and there are chalybeate spas, some contiguous to the town and one about a mile distant. These springs have been found highly beneficial to the invalid, while the hotels, and a number of neat built villas and lodges afford every accommodation to the visitor. The parish church is a handsome edifice, and the Roman Catholic chapel is a large and neat one. At present there are neither markets or fairs held here. The population of Kilfieragh parish in 1841 was 7,137, and Kilkee 1,481 of that number.

Part 5: Kilkee: Hotels, Public Houses, Shopkeepers and Traders

Hotels & Public Houses

Fitzgerald, Catherine, Francis st.
Moore, John, Moore’s Hotel, Wellington place
Shannon, Margaret, West End Hotel, West end
Studdart, Joseph, Conyngham Arms, Francis st.

Shopkeepers & Traders

Ayres, Joseph, hardware dealer, Temperance road
Belson, Michael, hardware dealer, Temperance road
Blackall, Patrick, baker and grocer, Francis st.
Bradley, James, tailor, Temperance st.
Carey, David, baker, Temperance st.
Caughlan, John, boot & shoe maker, Albert road
Clohesy & Mack, butchers, Temperance st.
Clune, Edmund, butcher, Francis st.
Colbert, Garrett, butcher, Temperance st.
Collins, Patrick, baker & grocer, Temperance st.
Connollan, Thomas, shopkeeper, Temperance st.
Corry, Bartholomew, poor-law guardian, Albert road
Curren, James, linen draper, Temperance road
Cusack, John, slater and plasterer, Francis st.
Cusack, Patrick, stone mason, Francis st.
Downes, Thady, shopkeeper, Temperance road
Duggan, Daniel, carpenter & builder, Albert road
Flinn, John, butcher, Barrack st.
Hickey, John & David, butchers, Temperance road
Hill, Samuel, grocer & spirit dealer, Temperance road
Hogan, Hugh, grocer & proprietor of public baths, Temperance road
Holohan, John, boot & shoe maker, Albert road
Hynes, Martin, grocer & spirit dealer, Francis st.
Hynes, Patrick, stonemason, Francis st.
Kean, Patrick, grocer, Kean’s row
Keavey, John, tailor, Temperance road
Keavey, Michael, shopkeeper, Temperance road
Kennedy, Michael, hair dresser, Francis st.
Kenny, Simon, painter and glazier, Francis st.
McCarthy, James, baker, Francis st.
McMahon, Bartholomew, shopkeeper, Francis st.
Mahony, John, linen draper, Francis street
Minahan, Michl., haberdasher, Francis street
Mulvihill, James, baker, Francis st.
Nash, Johanna, dress maker, Temperance road
Nolan, Nicholas, shoe maker, Temperance road
O’Donnell, John, shopkeeper and spirit dealer, Francis st.
Scanlan, John, shoe maker, Temperance st.

Slaters 1846 Directory is available at:


SOURCE 3.  Evictions in Kilrush  A debate in the British House of Commons, London, 1849

Evictions, that is, families being forcibly removed from their homes, were one of the cruelestaspects of the Famine, and homelessness greatly added to the suffering of the poor.

A number of families in ‘The Bad Times’ were evicted from their small homes by their landlords.  Although evictions were taking place throughout Ireland after 1847 (when the tax burden on landlords increased) Kilrush achieved notoriety for the particularly high number of evictions, which were especially heartless. The local landlord most associated with Famine evictions was Colonel Crofton Vandeleur. His actions were criticized and challenged by a compassionate Poor Law Officer, Captain Kennedy.
Further information about the Vandeleur estate can found on the ‘Landed Estate’ website created by Galway University:

The number of evictions taking place in Kilrush was so high, and was carried out in such a callous way, that it came to the attention of the British government. In June 1849, the high number of evictions in Kilrush was the subject of a debate in the British House of Commons in London. The names in the text refer to the politicians who participated in the debate:


House of Commons Debate
8 June 1849


begged to notice the report of Captain Kennedy, the inspector, respecting the Kilrush union; in which he said that within the last twelve months 15,000 persons had been driven from their houses by this horrid system of wholesale eviction, and that 1,200 more were in process of eviction; the result being the crowding together of several families into a single room, where death diminished their number in the course of a few weeks. Considering that the Government were in some degree responsible for the lives of the people, and seeing that theEviction Act of last year had been almost wholly inoperative, he wished to be informed whether they would not feel it to be incumbent on them to introduce some measure to strengthen that law with a view to put an end to evictions which were a disgrace to this country in the eyes of Europe.


begged to observe that his hon. Friend had understated the case, for not only had the 15,000 persons been evicted, but the 1,200 also. There was no future tense in the matter: it was already a fait accompli. He therefore hoped the House and the Government were prepared to take some step to save the people of Ireland from such unheard-of cruelties, and the nation from the stain of sanctioning them.


was not surprised that the evictions which had taken place in the Kilrush union should have attracted the attention of the hon. Member for Stroud. When, however, the hon. Member said that the Act of last Session was inoperative, he should remember that it was not passed to prevent evictions in cases of breach of engagement or nonpayment of rent, but to check illegal evictions, and to mitigate the cruelty which had in that respect been practised previously to the passing of the Act. That Act provided that notice should be given of intended ejectments, and provided temporary shelter to evicted persons. If houses had been pulled down whilst the parties were in them, for such a violation of the law there was certainly a remedy provided. He could not see how the Government could prevent ejectments by legal process. He regretted what had taken place in Kilrush; but he believed that the only remedy was to be found in the lands passing into the hands of persons capable of giving employment to the people, of maintaining themselves, and paying rent for their lands. He would not say that the papers laid on the table of the House might not call for further interference, but the subject was one of great difficulty. He might state, however, that the Government were in possession of a return of all the evictions which had taken place; and if his hon. Friend chose to move for a return of the names of the proprietor, tenant, and family, in such cases, it should be produced.


I am quite aware of the difficulty of applying any legal remedy in these cases, but I think it is possible that the expressions of indignation on the part of the House of Commons may have some effect in checking the exercise of the power of legal ejectment. I must say, I do not think that the records of any country, civil or barbarous, present materials for such a picture as is set forth in the statement of Captain Kennedy. I presume that statement is correct, contained, as it is, in a public and official document, presented by the Executive Government by order of the Crown, for the consideration and guidance of Parliament in their proceedings, and emanating from a gentleman, an officer, I believe, in Her Majesty's service. That statement, therefore, I presume to be of unquestionable veracity. Captain Kennedy says, that in one union, at the time of the famine, and in one year, 15,000 persons had been driven from their homes; and he states that after the exercise of that power in one year, it would hardly be credited that within the last month there have been 1,200 additional cases. He then proceeds to give individual instances, and, in showing the consequences of these evictions, mentions three facts. And three such tragical instances I do not believe were ever presented either in point of fact, or as conjured up even in the imagination of any human being. He states that he personally saw this dreadful state of things. He went into a wretched house (I forget whether it had a roof or not), which had been taken possession of by a father, a mother, and two children. The father was lying dead; the woman was in a hopeless state of dysentery and about to die; and the two children were lying fast asleep on the corpse of their father. He next mentions the case of a woman suffering from dysentery, and states that the smell of dung in the wretched hovel she inhabited was so offensive, that it could scarcely be approached. The third case he mentions is that of a man employed in breaking stones. He saw that man suddenly seize on the remnant of a pair of shoes, and run across a heath. He followed the direction the man took, and saw a fire blazing. On making inquiry as to the cause of it, he was told that upon the man being driven from his home, he had occupied a still more wretched hovel of his own construction, and that it was his last place in which he had sought shelter that had been set fire to, in order to get rid of him. Such are the three facts which Captain Kennedy relates. I do not know whether the law can provide a remedy, but the mention of such facts may have some effect in checking these evictions, more especially if it is known that the recitals are heard with an expression of the deepest abhorrence by the House of Commons.


observed, that it would be difficult to exaggerate the evils of the present system of ejectment in Ireland. By a return dated the 19th of February, 1849, of the number of ejectments in the Courts of Queen’s Bench and Exchequer in Ireland, in the three years from Hilary Term 1846, to Hilary Term 1849, both inclusive, the following ejectments took place;—

                 No. of Actions of Ejectments.       No. of Persons Evicted.

1846                                      4,671                                             19,864

1847                                      10,857                                           51,233

1848                                      16,385                                          68,456

1849 (the first quarter)          4,707                                             19,771

So it appeared that during the three years there were 160,000 persons ejected for nonpayment of rent, or for overholding. In such a state of things how was it possible that the country could be peaceable or tranquil?


As an Irish landlord, expressed his abhorrence of these ejectments, which were as injudicious as they were cruel. He trusted that the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary for Ireland would institute an inquiry as to the names of the gentlemen who authorised those ejectments.


Could not but think there was one set of persons to whom the attention of the House had not been directed in reference to this subject. The county in which these scandalous occurrences took place was one where the famine had been very severe, and where the system of public works had been in the fullest operation. All the evils with which it pleased Heaven to visit Ireland, and which had been aggravated by the benevolent intentions but mischievous legislation of the House, had been there concentrated. It was one thing for a landlord with a competence, and another for a man who was engaged with his tenants in a struggle for life, to perpetrate such cruelty. There were districts in Ireland where there were landlords with whom it was not a question of the comforts, luxuries, or even decencies of life, but who were absolutely deprived of animal food, and depended for support solely on Indian corn. The law wisely compelled landlords to pay rates for tenants whose rents were under 4l.[2] But landlords, whose property in consequence became liable to heavy rates on account of tenants who did not pay their rents, found themselves in a worse condition than if they had had no estates at all. He stated these circumstances, not in excuse, but in extenuation of their faults. At the instigation of the hon. Member for Stroud, the Government had introduced a measure which required that not less than forty eight hours’ notice should be given before a tenant was removed; but the Act omitted to fix a maximum period of giving notice, so that those landlords who desired to effect wholesale evictions would give one week’s, one month’s, or it might be six months’ notice; and the notices under those circumstances became a dead letter altogether. When, two years ago, he and his friends warned the House and the Government of what would come to pass, told them they were putting temptations in the way of the landlords stronger than human nature could bear, and urged them, by diminishing the area of taxation, to make it the interest of a landlord to improve his estates rather than eject his tenantry, they refused to listen, and discredited the predictions then made. And when 15,000 people had been put out of their holdings in that country, where electoral divisions were five times the size of English parishes, and where the contest between two landlords was too often which should quarter his tenantry on the other, that House must share the blame with the landlords, and remember that by their legislation they had exposed those men to temptations too strong for human nature to bear. Though a commission had been issued to deal with the question of the area of taxation, they must take care that they did not continue the evil they professed to remove. They would belie their expressions of sympathy for the unfortunate people in Ireland if they persevered in the course they had hitherto taken, and were only driven to reduce the area of taxation, when they reduced it practically, in vain, because too late and too reluctantly.


said, that the hon. Member for Northamptonshire had waxed very eloquent on the temptations to which he alleged that the legislation of that House had exposed the rich. When the hon. Member referred to the present horrible state of matters in Ireland, he rather stretched a point in attributing it to the want of a townland area of taxation. The House and the country were much obliged to the right hon. Baronet for the sympathy he had just expressed for the unfortunate people who had been evicted, but landlords must take proceedings to protect their families from destitution. He believed that much of the suffering under which Ireland now laboured, was owing to the poor-law, which had disheartened and driven out of the country those proprietors who would otherwise have found employment for the labouring poor. At present Ireland had a surplus population. There were four times the number of labouring poor in Ireland that there were in England. It was therefore necessary to have the colonisation principle resorted to, and the industrial resources called into action. Why not encourage railways? He rose principally to say, it was not by townland rating or a different system of poor-laws that the existing evils of Ireland were to be cured, but by the development of her industrial resources.


remarked, that the hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, had affirmed that the question which was now before the House had never been fairly met. He feared that if it had not been fairly met, the circumstance was more owing to the hon. Gentleman’s absence from the House, than from any other cause. If the hon. Gentleman had been in his place as often as others, both on his own side of the House, and on that which was opposed to it, he (Mr. Herbert) believed that he would have found no reasonable cause of complaint of inattention to Irish interests. He was ashamed to say, whenever Irish questions were before the House, Irish Members were among the last to take a practical interest in them.


said, the simple question was this, that by the legislation of that House they had ruined Ireland. This was an answer to the right hon. Baronet’s speech. The bad laws of England had made the Irish people bad. One class of the Irish people at this moment looked just as if they had come out of their graves, the other just as if they were going into them. He hoped hon. Gentlemen would consent to throw over the 4l. clause, and to abolish the Gregory clause. The Incumbered Estates Bill was intended as a remedial measure, but it would effect no good. Landlords with 3,000l, 4,00l, or 5,000l a year, were without the means of raising one shilling of rent. What did Government mean to do with the island? He was quite at a loss to understand. What was the use of sending agricultural lecturers into Ireland, where a man could only get 20s. a barrel for his flour, and nothing for his cattle? It was idle to think that the Bill before the House would afford relief. It was said the landlords ought to give the people employment. How could they do that when they could get no rents? He would not trouble the House further: the case was hopeless. He was not hostile to British connexion, but he was hostile to British legislation. The Duke of Buckingham had ruined the county of Longford. The Irish poor came over to this country to look for work, and they went back to Ireland in rags. When asked what success they had, they replied, they had gone to Birmingham and Manchester to get work, but had been sent back to Ireland by the authorities there. This was the charity of the hon. Member for Manchester: that was the Bright humanity. They took away the absentee rents, and that was the cause of much of the distress and want that abounded. It was all nonsense; the people could not live on the rate in aid. He told the House over and over again, when the Irish poor-law was passing, that it would be the ruin of Ireland. Mr. O’Connell said, if they passed that Bill, they might go all round Ireland, and write upon every house in it the words “poorhouse.” That had actually been verified. It was Irish poverty that was supporting Irish population. The House passed the law, and then they followed it up by driving away all the honourable and high-spirited men from the country; and now they had nothing left but famine and fever. He would tell his hon. Friends there was a danger coming they did not contemplate. It was idle to talk about the landlords of Ireland not having done their duty. The English landlords had not done their duty to the Irish people. Let them strike at the root of the evil, and employ their 40,000 soldiers to drive back the absentee landlords. They would not much longer recruit their Army with Irishmen. Government ought to be on their knees at the bar of that House to answer for their misdeeds towards Ireland. There was nothing now but famine and fever in Ireland. He had run away from the country, being unable to bear the exhibition of misery and poverty which he witnessed. He had ordered his dinner to be given to the poor instead of eating it himself. Mr. O’Brien was wrong; he began too soon. Had he waited, there would have been a real insurrection, which would have exploded and shaken the very curtains of Her Majesty’s bed in the dead of night. Their houses had been turned into hospitals; and in the south of Ireland there were landlords who not only had not a shilling, but who were restricted with the ladies of their families to 2 lb.[3]. of meat in the week. Other nations were crying out against this country for what was occurring in Ireland, and allusion had been made to the subject in the Assembly of France. Men were quitting Ireland for America with sentiments of hostility towards the British Government. A man who held land of him at 25s. an acre said to him, as his landlord, “Let me go to the land of liberty. Let me no more see the titheman and the taxman.” He prayed to the God of mercy that he might be pleased to instil into the mind of this Legislature some plan by which his country might be saved from ruin, and Great Britain itself from ultimate danger.


hoped this discussion would not fail in bearing the best of fruits. It appeared to be thought that evictions dated their origin at the same period as the Irish poor-law; but he must say, that as far back as he could carry his memory, he recollected hearing occasionally of their occurrence, and that was long before the passing of the poor-law. His principal object in rising was to ask the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland a question with respect to two circulars, issued in the course of last year by the Irish Poor Law Commissioners to the boards of guardians throughout Ireland. The first circular explained the interpretation of the clause of the Act with respect to the allowance of relief to tenants giving up all their land with the exception of one quarter of an acre with a house upon it; and the second circular related to the construction of the clause with reference to administering relief to destitute families retaining their holdings. He now wished to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it had been necessary to alter these instructions to the boards of guardians?


understood the hon. Gentleman’s question to he, whether or not the Commissioners had had reason to change the instructions given in these circulars. He had only to reply, that the circulars had been issued after consulting the most eminent counsel—the Attorney General of Ireland and others; and he had never heard that there had been any ground for considering them to be inconsistent with the law.


thought hon. Gentlemen who ascribed the calamities of Ireland to the legislation of that House, ought to bear in mind that a great proportion of them were owing to a dispensation of Providence. A country where the land was so minutely divided and subdivided as was the case in Ireland, could not be expected to pass through the transition to a better state of culture under larger holdings without much individual suffering; and when the failure of the potato crop was superadded, he thought he had said enough to account for the present evils of Ireland. He wished to put a question to the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland. At the present moment, notwithstanding the many previous advances and subscriptions made for the relief of Irish distress, he still believed that many persons in England would be willing to make a further effort to assist Ireland in her present extreme distress, if it were only known that there was in existence some regularly authorised body, constituted of trustworthy and discreet individuals, into whose hands the subscriptions might he paid. He wished to ask the right hon. Gentleman if any such body already existed?


would undertake to answer that question for the right hon. Gentleman. A very excellent committee was at present sitting in Dublin, called the General Relief Committee of Ireland, of which the Marquess of Kildare was the president, and he was sure these gentlemen would be very glad to receive the subscriptions of the charitably disposed in every quarter. Turning to the subject more immediately before the House, he believed that the middlemen in Ireland had caused much of the evil of ejectments, and regretted that that class had had so much to do with estates in Ireland. If the boards of guardians had neglected their duty towards the unfortunate, still the Government was not on that account absolved from the obligation not to suffer the evicted families to perish. On the property of Lord Stanley in Ireland, there were eighty-nine families; and the middleman had allowed the arrears to accumulate to such an extent that it was found the people could not help themselves. The noble Lord had the people sent to Limerick, that they might be conveyed to America; and having seen that they were comfortably provided for, sent them 1l. per head to support them until they could find employment on landing. That was an example which it would be well for other proprietors to imitate. With regard to the evictions, the present law could not prevent the people from perishing on the roads; but let them first narrow the area of taxation, not for a townland rating, but to a moderate area, and then fix the chargeability of the tenants on the landlords, and if evictions were afterwards persevered in, it would be at the proprietor's own risk. That would be calculated to remedy the evil, for it was on the large areas that the evictions had taken place, the landlord evicting being able to shift the burden from his own shoulders. As to the allegation that the persons evicted belonged to the class of rogues and vagabonds, he could only say that his own experience went to show the contrary, and he considered that these unfortunate people had been grossly libelled.


considered, that if anybody had acted wrongly in this matter, the law must take its course; thatwas the proper remedy in these cases, and he did not see why particular cases ought to be brought before that House at all, when men’s minds were excited. Private character ought not to be attacked in the way it had been.

 SOURCE 4.  Sending Young Girls to Australia The Orphan Emigration Scheme

 The Orphan Emigration Scheme

The Female Orphan Scheme came into being in 1848 and, over the following two years, 4,114 workhouse girls from 118 Poor Law unions were sent to Australia.  The Australian authorities paid the transport costs to the colony and the Irish unions’ only expenditure was the travel arrangements to Plymouth and the provision of new clothing for the emigrant girls.[4]  The girls selected for this scheme were supposed to be orphans, and aged between 14 and 18.
Australia was not the only place to benefit from assisted emigration schemes. During 1851-52, 470 paupers, or more than nine per cent of the inmate population of the Kilrush workhouse, were assisted to emigrate, helped by a £2,000 grant from the British Treasury.  All the inmates were unmarried adult females. They were sent to Quebec where there was a demand for woman workers, and it was cheaper to emigrate to Canada rather than to Australia or the United States.[5]
In ‘The Bad Times’, Brigit is one of the Kilrush workhouse girls who agrees to be part of the Orphan Emigration Scheme.  She sails on board the ‘Pemberton’, with other females from the Kilrush workhouse.  The ship sailed from Liverpool to Plymouth in the south of England, and then to Australia. Brigit is a fictional character, but the following is a list of 20 of the females who did go from Kilrush to Australia on board the ‘Pemberton,’ with information about what became of them.

 3 A.  Young Females from the Kilrush Workhouse who were part of the Orphan Emigration Scheme. From the ‘Famine Orphan Girl Database’:[6]

  • Surname: Boyle
  • First Name: Mary
  • Age on arrival: 18
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: shipping: house servant, cannot read or write; went to Portland; married John Testrow in Portland in 1851, 5 children by 1859, moved to South Australia, died 9 Jan. 1891, near Mount Gambier.
  • Surname: Cahill
  • First Name: Jane
  • Age on arrival: 17
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: Shipping: housemaid, cannot read or write. Empl. Mr Cusworth, Melbourne, £10, 3 mths.
  • Surname : Cain [Keane]
  • First Name: Bridget
  • Age on arrival: 19
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Clare, Kilrush
  • Other: Shipping: housemaid, cannot read or write. Empl. John Gamble, Portland, £12, 1 yr. Married John McCashney in Portland, 25 Jan. 1851; husband a miner at Castlemaine, later a farmer at Bullarto; they had 10 children; she died 6 March 1898, buried Trentham.
  • Surname: Cassidy
  • First Name: Biddy
  • Age on arrival: 18
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Clare, Kilrush
  • Other: Shipping: house servant, cannot read or write. Empl. Mrs Cousins, Richmond for Portland, £12, 3 mths.
  • Surname: Connell
  • First Name: Biddy
  • Age on arrival: 16
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Clare, Kilrush
  • Other: Shipping: nursemaid, cannot read or write. Empl. I Migane(?), Portland £8, 1 yr.
  • Surname: Darcey (D’arcey)
  • First Name: Mary
  • Age on arrival: 16
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Clare, Kilrush
  • Other: shipping: house servant, cannot read or write. To Portland.  1 Nov. 1849 from Police Magistrate, Portland. She has lost one of her limbs. Result, ‘the poor girl must be cared for somehow...’ Admitted Melbourne Benevolent Asylum late 1849, died there in 1898.
  • Surname: Golding (Golden?)
  • First Name: Mary
  • Age on arrival: 18
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: Empl. D McKinnon, Portland, Henty, £14, 1 year.
  • Surname: Gorman
  • First Name: Judy
  • Age on arrival: 16
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: Empl. A Claxton, Portland, £8, 6 mths.
  • Surname: Kelly [Kelley]
  • First Name: Catherine [Ann, Annie]
  • Age on arrival: 16
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: Shipping: house servant, reads only. Also known as Ann or Annie. Employed by Eliza Groves, Melbourne, £5, 2 yrs., apprentice. Married William Pretty at St Peter’s Melbourne, 5 Dec. 1850. William Pretty's father may be convict, silk weaver, police constable/guard in VDL.; 12 children born North Melbourne; Ann [Catherine] Pretty nee Kelly died 26 Dec. 1897, Queenbury Street, North Melbourne, parents shown as John Kelly, weaver, & Ann nee Slattery; William died 11 Oct. 1913, 10 Harker Street, North Melbourne; both buried Melbourne General Cemetery. 
  • Surname: Kelly
  • First Name: Hannah
  • Age on arrival: 14 or 15
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849) 
  • Workhouse: Kilrush, Clare
  • Other: Shipping: nursemaid, reads only. Employed by Marin Healey, King St., £5, 3 yrs. Married John Owenson, Melbourne; Anorah, Norah, Hannah, Hanorah & Anne on birth certs of 10 children born North Melbourne between 1853-1876.  Hannah died 1905 at Hotham.  
  • Surname: Kelly
  • First Name: Winifred
  • Age on arrival: 18
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Kilrush, Clare
  • Other: Shipping: nursemaid, cannot read or write. Employed by Maria Smith, saddler, Melbourne, £8, 1 yr. Married James Smith; 7 children born 1861-1874; Winifred died in 1910, North Melbourne.
  • Surname: MacDonald [McDonald, McDonnell]
  • First Name: Mary
  • Age on arrival: 18
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Sinan McDonnell & Bridget Kean [Kilrush parish]
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Kilrush, Clare
  • Other: Shipping: houseservant, reads only; Empl. Mr McLean, grocer, Little Collins St., £10, 6 mths; married John Candy, Melbourne, 1 July 1850 [witness Johanna McDonnell, probably shipmate & possible relative]; 9 children in the Wimmera, Victoria (4 in Horsham area); Mary died at Hawthorn 29 Oct. 1907; research of baptisims at Kilrush, shows parents Sinon [Simon on her death] McDonnell & Bridget Caine; Mary had 2 sisters & a brother whose fate is unknown.  
  • Surname: MacDonough [McDonough]
  • First Name: Mary
  • Age on arrival: 15 or 16
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Kilrush, Clare
  • Other: Empl. James Brindon, baker, Swanston St., £9, 1 yr. Married James Rogers 1 Nov. 1850 at Burnbank (now Lexton) 12 children, lived Kyneton, died 6 Aug. 1882. 
  • Surname: MacGrath/Magrath
  • First Name: Mary
  • Age on arrival: 15/14
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: To Portland
  • Surname: MacMahon [McMahon]
  • First Name: Hannah
  • Age on arrival: 14/16
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: shipping: house servant, cannot read or write; aged 16 empl. James Delaney, farmer, Dandenong, £8, 1 yr. He was a widower with a 3 year old daughter; married James Delaney at St Francis RC, Melbourne, 16 Dec. 1850, witnessed by shipmate, Bridget Sexton; lived Melbourne; 8 ch; James died 20 Oct. 1861; Hannah had 5 more children with Benjamin Little between 1864-78; 6 of her 13 children died as infants; Hannah died 8 Apr 1905 aged 75 of senility, debility & exhaustion at home of her daughter at Clifton Hill, Melbourne, buried Oakleigh cemetery.  
  • Surname: Maddigan
  • First Name: Bridget
  • Age on arrival: 14
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: Empl. Mrs Hayes (labourer), Little Collins St., £5, 3 yrs. Depot 
  • Surname: Miniter
  • First Name: Margaret
  • Age on arrival: 18
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: John and Peggy Jackson
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Kilrush, Clare
  • Other: Shipping: house maid, read & writes. Empl. William Doherty, ex-Williamstown, also from Kilrush, County Clare, arrived 1839 per 'Westminster', moved to Heidelberg 1850s, stonemason, Melbourne, £12, 6 mths. Margaret baptised as Peggy, St Senans, Kilrush, 2 Jul 1831 (with twin Bridget also per Pemberton); married Simon Molony, Melbourne, 1849; 7 children to c.1863; lived at Woodford, Western Districts, Victoria c.1860, died in Richmond 19 Oct 1909. 
  • Surname: Miniter
  • First Name: Bridget
  • Age on arrival : 18
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: John and Peggy Jackson
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Workhouse: Kilrush, Clare
  • Other: Shipping: housemaid, read & write; Empl. William Doherty, ex-Williamstown, also from Kilrush, who arrived 1839 per Westminster & moved to Heidberg 1850s, stonemason, Melbourne, ₤12, 6 months; she baptised as Biddy at St Seanans, Kilrush 2 July 1831, daughter of John & Peggy nee Jackson; she is twin sister of Margaret, also per Pemberton; married James Rudd, Melbourne 1 Jul 1850; 8 children, husband stonemason & bricklayer; lived Glenorchy & Horsham; died 31 May 1908 at Horsham, Vic. 
  • Surname: Murphy
  • First Name: Peggy
  • Age on arrival: 19
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: Empl. Mr O'Keefe, Little Collins St., £10, 6 mths.
  • Surname: O'Brien
  • First Name: Milly
  • Age on arrival: 14
  • Native Place: Kilrush, Clare
  • Parents: Not recorded
  • Religion: Roman Catholic
  • Ship name: Pemberton (Melbourne 1849)
  • Other: Empl. Alex Barrie, cabinet maker, Queen St., £10, 6 mths.

4 B. Report from the London ‘Times,’ 22 January 1850.

 “The full-rigged ship Pemberton, Captain J.H. Richardson, arrived here from Liverpool on the 12th instant, for the purpose of embarking Irish girls for Sydney.

They (the girls) were selected as follows: From the Poor Law Union at Rosecrea, 60; Nenagh, 40; Limerick, 50; Kilrush, 30; Lisnakes, 20; Tipperary, 40; Mallow, 20; South Dublin, 7; from the Dublin Royal Hibernian Military Asylum, 24; and from the Cork Foundling Hospital. 16; in all 307, under charge of a head matron, 1 school mistress, and 4 sub-matrons. After they had been mustered and sent below, the crew, consisting of 63 persons, were inspected by Her Majesty's Emigration officer, Lieutenant Carew, R.M., who in addition to some general advice, endeavoured in the most feeling manner to impress upon the minds of the men the propriety of treating the unfortunate orphans with every proper respect during the voyage....Thus in every way the bodily and physical wants of these expatriated girls have been cared for. The mental abilities of those from the unions have received little or no cultivation-scarcely any one can write, and very few can read. To aid them in this deficiency, and to provide suitable employment during the long and tedious voyage is the peculiar object of the benevolent institution denominated the Female Emigration Employment Society, which distributes its donations by the hands of the Rev. T. C. Childs, minister of St. Mary’s, Devonport, a gentleman who (with Mr. Allen) received the orphans on their leaving the main deck of the Pemberton, and was soon actively employed in giving them spiritual and moral advice, in kindly ranging them in classes, supplying them with books and appointing teachers and monitors to instruct them on the passage. The latter were selected mainly from the girls of the Dublin Asylum and the Cork Foundling Hospital, whose education, discipline, and general appearance, reflected credit on the conductors of those humane establishments.”

 4. C. “Emigration from the workhouses of County Clare, 1848-59” by Chris O’Mahony.[7]

 The reports from the Canadian emigration agents to the Poor Law unions in Ireland encouraged them to send further groups of female inmates.  In 1851 A.C. Buchanan told the Kilrush guardians that the girls from the union had been provided for,  had secured comfortable employment, and the following year he reported that all of the paupers sent out in 1851 had been employed within two weeksin the colony, owing to ‘the difficulty in obtaining female domestic servants throughout the country ...’[8]  In February 1852, A.B. Hawke, the Chief Emigrant Agent for Upper Canada, statedhe would take 1,500 workhouse girls and provide them with immediate employment as domestic servants.[9]  Such correspondence undoubtedly persuaded many unions to send out their young female paupers. During 1851-2, 470 paupers, or over 9 per cent of the inmate population of Kilrush workhouse, were assisted to leave, facilitated by a £2,000 treasury grant.  All were unmarried adult females and were sent to Quebec because of Buchanan’s exhortations and it was cheaper than assisting them to Australia or the United States.[10]   In 1852, 3,825 people were assisted by the Poor Law to emigrate at a cost of £14,041, including 567 from Newcastle, 432 from Nenagh and 147 from Killydysert.[11]  Inevitably the newly established unions such as Mountbellew would also engage in the emigration programme.

Source 5.  A Recent History of Kilkee, by local historian, Timothy McInerney.

 History of Kilkee

From 'Kilkee' By Timothy McInerney


Kilkee first appears in the Annals of the 14th Century when it is called Cill Chaoidhe meaning “St. Caoi's Church.” The castle of Kilkee was built by the MacSweeney’s in the late 15th century as feudatories of the MacMahons and later of the O’Briens. The Castle was subsequently granted to Charles MacDonnell, a member of an Antrim family of Scotch descent, who retained the property until the end of the 18th century.

About 150 years ago Kilkee was a little fishing village where at the west end the local landed aristocracy and the “merchant princes” of the neighbouring city of Limerick built a number of summer lodges. The canoes and currachs used for fishing were made from a frame of light timber on strong wicker wood covered with sailcloth and rendered waterproof with pitch and tar. In the 19th century the men were generally clad in grey frieze coats, the women in coarse home made flannel gowns and petticoats and very few of them wore stockings or shoes. In those early days the men did not fish on the Sabbath. Interestingly, up to the mid-19th century, Kilkee was an Irish-speaking village. Mary J. Knott in her 1836 book, Two Months at Kilkee stated that “few people can speak English”. Fishing was very important in the locality.

Development as a Visitor Centre

From the 18th century the climate and environment at Kilkee began attracting visitors. In 1837 Samuel Lewis A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland describes the growing popularity of Kilkee:

Kilkee or Doogh, a village in the parish of Kilfieragh, barony of Moyarta, County of Clare and province of Munster, containing 1051 inhabitants. In 1837 it consisted of 153 houses; since which time several houses and bathing lodges have been erected, the village being much frequented as a bathing place chiefly by the citizens of Limerick, on account of its remarkably fine strand sheltered by a ledge of rocks stretching across one third of Kilkee Bay.

In 1888 the healthy air and surroundings of Kilkee are also extolled by Edgar Flinn of the Royal College of Surgeons who remarked on the value of spas in the area:

Kilkee is the most fashionable summer seaside resort on the south-west coast of Ireland, in fact it has few equals, if any, for natural beauty of scenery in this country.

One of the reasons why Kilkee developed as a visitor attraction was the availability of transport from Limerick. In the 18th century and for the most of the 19th century transport was by boat along the Shannon to Kilrush. From there the final eight miles (13km) journey to Kilkee was made by horse-drawn cars. Next came the west narrow gauge railway, which was a great boom to Kilkee as a seaside resort. In January 1885 Charles Stewart Parnell launched the West Clare Railway which ran from Ennis to Miltown Malbay. In 1890 the South Clare Railway began linking Kilkee and Kilrush to Miltown Malbay. This railway line ran from Kilkee to Ennis from 1892 with Kilrush being served by a short branch from Moyasta Junction. The railway served Kilkee well until it finally closed, from lack of support, on January 31st 1961.

Visitor Accommodation

Accommodation was needed for visitors to Kilkee. Many stayed in lodges, while hotels began to be developed in the village. The first hotel in Kilkee was Sampy’s Hotel in Francis Street (now Grattan St). Other Hotels developed in the late 19th century included Moore’s Hotel, West End Hotel, Blundell's Hotel, Atlantic Hotel, Browne's Hotel, Royal Marina Hotel and the Stella Maris Hotel. The first post office in Kilkee was also situated at the Old West End Hotel.

Places of Worship

Several churches catered for the religious needs of both locals and visitors over the years. Father Michael Comyn, P.P of the joint parishes of Kilfieragh (Kilkee) and Killard (Doonbeg) set up a fund and began to build a Roman Catholic Church in Kilkee in 1829. It replaced the parish chapel in Lisdeen. Kilkee chapel was opened for worship in 1831, although it was not completed for some years. This chapel served the parish of Kilkee for over 130 years before being replaced by the present church built in 1959-1963 by T. Hayes of Killaloe. By far the largest proportions of holidaymakers who came to Kilkee for most of the 19th century were Protestants. For Church of Ireland members Samuel Lewis reported in his Topographical Dictionary of 1837 that ‘divine worship is performed in a lodge, but subscriptions are being collected for the erection of a new parochial church’. This was built shortly afterwards on the Carrigaholt Road and is still open for worship today. The Methodist Church at the end of Geraldine Terrace was built in 1890 but is now only used for service during the holiday season, for a short period a Presbyterian Church was opened for service in the years of the 20th century.


On the feast of the Maternity of Our Lady, 5th November 1871, five sisters from the newly established convent in Kilrush came to Kilkee at the request of Fr. Martin Cleary, P.P to found a convent in the beautiful ‘Brighton of the West’. In a temporary premise the sisters opened a school that was attended by children from the surrounding areas. Lord Francis and Lady Conyngham examined the workings of the school with apparent interest and gave the site for the present Convent, the foundation stone of which was laid on the Feast of the Sacred Heart in 1874. In 1878, the school was placed under the National Board of Education. The primary school closed its doors on 25th June, 1998 after 120 years of learning. The sisters also opened a Secondary school in 1943 catering for pupils from the Corca Bhascinn (West Clare) Peninsula.

Street Names

The names of some of the principal streets in the town were changed in the early part of the 20th century: Francis Street became Grattan Street, Albert Road became Eugene O'Curry Street, while Queen Street changed to O'Connell Street.

 SOURCE 6.  Colonel Vandeleur and Evictions.  The Vandeleurs of Kilrush, Co. Clare
by Senan Scanlan

 … For some wealthier landlords, Famine-era evictions were less an expression of financial insecurity or fear of pauperism than a logical extension of estate improvement policies begun years before. For such individuals, famine destitution provided a conclusive, if inhuman, reason for the consolidation of smallholdings into larger units, to an extent that had previously been considered necessary, but physically impossible and morally unjustifiable .All the features of pre-Famine estate consolidation are to be found in certain Famine-era clearances: the clearing of middleman farms of cottiers: the conversion of some farms in toto to grass: the re-surveying of evicted lands and the redistribution of holdings among remaining tenants.

It is hardly a coincidence, therefore, that when the Famine clearances began in Clare at the end of 1847, it was the great magnates of pre-famine consolidation, Colonels George Wyndham and Crofton Vandeleur who were first recorded as issuing extraordinary numbers of notices to quit. Close on their heels was the agent of the Conyngham and Westby estates, Marcus Keane.

Vandeleur had dispossessed from the estate as many as 180 families including just over 1,000 persons -a greater number than any of his landlord peers in Kilrush Union. Colonel Vandeleur excused the mass evictions locally on the false plea in 1850 that “the clearances in our union have been nothing to what I have understood has been the clearances in other unions in the West of Ireland”. Just as Vandeleur invoked the sanction of allegedly greater depopulation elsewhere, so too lesser Kilrush landlords could point to his example as a ready excuse for their own evictions.

The relative poverty of Kilrush landlords was also an important factor in their heavy penchant for clearances. Along with the generality of Clare proprietors, those of Kilrush Union must have belonged to the poorer section of the Irish landed elite at the time of the great famine. In July 1850 Colonel Vandeleur stated that the pressure created by the Irish Poor Law was particularly severe especially in towns. He cited the case of a street (Pound Street) of boatmen, fishermen, and labourers in the town of Kilrush, which he owned. Their forty-nine houses owed a collective rent of £11-1s a year, but the rates on those houses-all of which he apparently had to pay-amounted to £22-12s. Almost in the same breath Vandeleur pronounced the £1 rating clause a great inducement to get rid of small tenants- a conviction he practised with little restraint. In this instance his antagonist Captain Kennedy could not have agreed more with Vandeleur. The £1 rating clause, Kennedy insisted in June 1850, after an avalanche of local clearances had finally begun to abate, induces excessive evictions. The landlord must do it as a matter of self-defence.

Whatever the real rate burden, fears of being swamped by pauperism probably pushed the landlords and agents of Kilrush Union towards clearances. A considerable number of them may have been panicked into starting mass evictions by the gigantic scale of relief in the spring of 1847. As many as 17,000 persons were then assisted under the soup kitchen scheme.

But dedicated evictors like Marcus Keane and Colonel Vandeleur could not bring themselves to see or speak the truth. Vandeleur was asked in July 1850 “Was there much sickness and mortality amongst the class of persons who were ejected?” Deflecting responsibility, he responded “Not that I am aware of”. Questioned as to the fate of evicted tenants, Vandeleur gave a less than truthful reply to Scrope's committee. “They have,' he averred 'generally obtained relief from the board of guardians”. (Mr. Poulett Scrope M.P) …

SOURCE 7. Reports and Images from The Illustrated London News and other newspapers [12]

Condition of Ireland


(From our own Correspondent.)

[The present fearful Condition of Ireland, made considerably worse, we believe, by the operation of the New Poor-Law, has induced us to give, as far as possible, a faithful report of the working of this law with Illustrations of Localities, sketched by our own Artist.]


Kilrush, which gives its name to a Poor-law Union, will be celebrated in the history of pauperism. With Clifden, Westport, Skibbereen, and other places, it forms one of the battle-fields of Ireland, in which property, under the guidance of legislation, has fought with poverty, and been worsted in the conflict. It is our purpose to describe the progress of the contest, and, as Sterne took a single victim to make mankind sensible of the horrors of slavery– as a single case of flogging women did more to rouse the people of England against the iniquities they had countenanced in the West Indies, than many volumes of general description– we presume that we shall make the condition of Ireland, and the working of the Poor-law there, more effectually known by selecting a single Union for remark, than by parading before our readers a great multitude of statistical facts. Our Commissioner is on the spot, and we illustrate the Sketches and condense the facts he has supplied us with. Sketch No. 1. represents the town of Kilrush.

As an appropriate introduction, we quote from the Times of Tuesday an account of the


The Limerick papers bring melancholy accounts of a “crisis” which has at length taken place in the affairs of this unfortunate Union. Money and credit are all gone, and starvation has literally set in among the paupers in the workhouse, the inmates having been sent to bed on Thursday night without having eaten any dinner– the only remedy that the guardians could suggest to numb the sense of hunger. The Limerick Chronicle‘s statement is as follows:–

“‘Notwithstanding the exertions of the local board and Poor-law inspectors, the in-door paupers were obliged to go to bed without dinner on Thursday night. The master brought the state of the house, as regards want of provisions for that day, before the board, when soup and chopped turnips grown on the land was the only food available. The out-door paupers are in a desperate state, crowding the dépôts and following the relieving officers by thousands to town to get into the workhouse; but one day’s admission (300 admitted) so crowded the auxiliary, that admission was impossible. Barley, the produce of the land about the workhouse, has been ordered to be threshed; but are 2600 paupers to be fed on the principle of “live, horse, and you’ll get grass?” It is fearful to think of the state of Kilrush Union– nothing but starving creatures from the country to be seen pouring into a starving workhouse; the Board meets every day, but, if we are to judge from the general confession of that body, they are able to effect no good. The chairman, Colonel C. M. Vandeleur, took the chair yesterday, and his presence was sufficient it was thought to get the ‘needful,’ but to no purpose; out-door paupers and relieving officers were sent home, and in-door paupers recommended to go to bed. The coroner attended an inquest on a man who was found in a dying state on the side of the road near Kilmury. Mortality in the workhouse has been small; but, owing to the able-bodied on the out-door relief being struck off, the deaths in that department are every day increasing to a frightful extent. Relieving officers complain that they must bury their dead without coffins. The Board yesterday agreed to petition the Poor-law Commissioners on the state of the Union, and said that the guardians would not be morally responsible for the deaths that may occur through starvation.”

Kilrush is in the county of Clare, and on one bank of the Shannon. It is situated in a district that is both fertile and picturesque. It has all the conveniences of a haven, and might have all the advantages of a great trading and fishing port. It is, for Ireland, a tolerably large town, with well-built stone houses, and broad, clean streets, though it has plenty of mud cabins and dirt, like every other Irish town. It is going rapidly to decay, and most of the houses could be bought for less than the value of the stones they were built with. The Poor-house is now, and likely to be for a long period, the principal building in the town, and, with the Catholic chapel, constitute its architectural distinctions.

The Union to which it gives a name consists of nine districts:– 1. Kilrush and Killimer. 2. Knock and Killofin. 3. Kilfiddan and Kildysert. 4. Kilmihil and Kilmacdooan. 5. Kilmury. 6. Killard. 7. Kilkee. 8. Moyarta. 9. Kilballyowen. It extends right across the Clare peninsula, between the Shannon and the Western Ocean, and contained, in 1841, a population of 82,358. Of this population, very considerably reduced in numbers, there were no less than 22,661 receiving relief out of the workhouse, at the cost per week of £559, in April, 1849; and in June the number was increased to 29,049, who were maintained at a cost of £780 16s. 5d. Taking the average of the two months, the number relieved was more than 35 per cent.; the cost of maintaining them was something less than 6d. per head per week. At the same period there were in the union workhouse about 2500 paupers, making the total number of persons relieved in June 31,549, or more than 43 per cent of the population of 1841. If we knew the exact number at present, greatly reduced as it is, we should, no doubt, find that considerably more than one-half of the whole population, or more than 50 per cent., are receiving relief. So far as mere figures go, it is an afflicting picture to see every man, woman, or child, in possession of a crust or a pound of meat, besieged by another beggar for a share of that which is hardly sufficient for his own wants.

From this general view we pass to an example of the manner in which the out-door paupers live. In the workhouse the people, till the last arrival, were tolerably well taken care of; and such is the general destitution, that they were well housed, clothed, and fed, in comparison with the mass. Our second Sketch represents what is called a Scalpeen. There is also something called a scalp, or hole dug in the earth, some two or three feet deep. In such a place was the abode of Brian Connor. He has three in family, and had lived in this hole several months before it was discovered. It was roofed over with sticks and pieces of turf, laid in the shape of an inverted saucer. It resembles, though not quite so large, one of the ant-hills of the African forests. Many of the people whose houses have been levelled take up their abodes in such places; and even in them there is a distinction of wretchedness. A Scalpeen is a hole, too, but the roof above it is rather loftier and grander in its dimensions. It is often erected within the walls when any are left standing, of the unroofed houses, and all that is above the surface is built out of the old materials. It possesses, too, some pieces of furniture, and the Scalpeen is altogether superior to the Scalp. In such, or still more wretched abodes, burrowing as they can, the remnant of the population is hastening to an end, and after a few years will be as scarce nearly as the exterminated Indians, except the specimens that are carefully preserved in the workhouse. Those whom starvation spares, disease cuts off.

Even from the Scalps the poor are hunted. “None of the houseless class,” says Captain Kennedy, the poor-law inspector, “can now find admittance into some over-crowded cabin, whose inmates seldom survive a month.” A month’s agonies– the result of hunger, dirt, and fever– after being expelled from a home, suffices to destroy life. It is a sort of Majendie experiment made on human beings– not on cats in an air-pump, or on rabbits with prussic acid. Yet the instinctive love of life is so great, so strong is the sentiment by which Nature ensures the continuance of the race, that Brian Connor dreads nothing so much as that he shall not be allowed, now that his hut has been discovered, to burrow longer in security; and like a fox, or some other vermin, he expects to be unearthed, and left even without the shelter of what may be called a preparatory grave. The mud cabins and turf huts that the peasantry lived in before 1846 were denounced by every traveller as the scandal of civilised Europe; and it was supposed that worse habitations were not on the earth; but the Irish have proved that in their lowest deep there is still a lower deep– that a Scalpeen is worse than a mud-hut, and a Scalp worse than a Scalpeen.

Men who are wretched and men who are criminal keep each other in countenance, and perpetuate crime and wretchedness. What hope, then, can be entertained of ever again elevating the Irish, when the bulk of them are degraded to Scalps and starvations, even to the dignity of mud cabins and plenty of potatoes? They may die out or may be killed off; but, when the half of the whole live on 6d. per week, and are thankful for being allowed to burrow in Scalps, there must be more hope of the savages of New South Wales or the Brazils, than of those whom knaves have flattered with the name of the “finest peasantry in the world.”

A great and just sympathy is just now excited by the sufferings of the needlewomen of the metropolis, and by the hard labour and poor pay of females in various branches of town industry. But they at least find shelter; most of them have clothing; they manage to get food, though the supply is scanty; and the most crowded lodging-house of the metropolis is a palace compared with the Scalp, or burrowing hole, of the Irish peasant.

The present condition of the Irish, we have no hesitation in saying, has been mainly brought on by ignorant and vicious legislation. The destruction of the potato for one season, though a great calamity, would not have doomed them, fed as they were by the taxes of the state and the charity of the world, to immediate decay; but a false theory, assuming the name of political economy, with which it has no more to do than with the slaughter of the Hungarians by General Haynau, led the landlords and the legislature to believe that it was a favourable opportunity for changing the occupation of the land and the cultivation of the soil from potatoes to corn. When more food, more cultivation, more employment, were the requisites for maintaining the Irish in existence, the Legislature and the landlords went about introducing a species of cultivation that could only be successful by requiring fewer hands, and turning potato gardens, that nourished the maximum of human beings, into pasture grounds for bullocks, that nourished only the minimum. The Poor-law, said to be for the relief of the people and the means of their salvation, was the instrument of their destruction. In their terrible distress, from that temporary calamity with which they were visited, they were to have no relief unless they gave up their holdings. That law, too, laid down a form for evicting the people, and thus gave the sanction and encouragement of legislation to exterminate them. Calmly and quietly, but very ignorantly– though we cheerfully exonerate the parties from any malevolence; they only committed a great mistake, a terrible blunder, which in legislation is worse than a crime– but calmly and quietly from Westminster itself, which is the centre of civilization, did the decree go forth which has made the temporary but terrible visitation of a potato rot the means of exterminating, through the slow process of disease and houseless starvation, nearly the half of the Irish.

The land is still there, in all its natural beauty and fertility. The sparkling Shannon, teeming with fish, still flows by their doors, and might bear to them, as the Hudson and Thames bear to the people of New York and of London, fleets of ships laden with wealth. The low grounds or Corcasses of Clare are celebrated for their productiveness. The country abounds in limestone: coal, iron, and lead have been found. It has an area of 827,994 acres, 372,237 of which are uncultivated, or occupied by woods or water. It is estimated that there are 296,000 acres of unoccupied land; and that of these 160,000 are capable of cultivation and improvement. Why are they not cultivated and improved, as the wilds of America are cultivated and improved by the brethren of the Irish? Why are these starving people not allowed and encouraged to plant their potato-gardens on the wastes? Why are they not married to the unoccupied soil, as a humane politician proposes to provide for the starving needlewomen of the metropolis by marrying them to the Currency Lads of New South Wales? A more important question cannot be asked. There is about Kilrush, and in Clare, and throughout Ireland, the doubly melancholy spectacle of a strong man asking for work as the means of getting food; and of the fertile earth wooing his labours, in order to yield up to him its rich but latent stores: yet it lies idle and unfruitful. Why is not this doubly melancholy spectacle destroyed by their union, and converted into life and happiness, as oxygen and hydrogen, each in itself destructive, become, when united as water, the pabulum of existence? We shall fully consider that question before we quit the subject, but we shall now only say that the whole of this land, cultivated and uncultivated, is owned by a few proprietors– that many of them are absentees– that almost all are in embarrassed circumstances– and that, from ignorance, or false theory, or indolence, they prefer seeing the land covered with such misery as we have described, to either bringing the land under cultivation themselves, or allowing the people to cultivate it. Their greatest ambition, apparently, is to get rid of the people.

Our third Sketch shows the desolation to be seen about Kilrush and in many other parts of Ireland. No conqueror ever left more conspicuous marks of his devastation. The Sketch is not of a deserted village— though that was a miserable enough spectacle, for the wretched beings who once viewed it as the abode of plenty and peace still linger and hover about it– but of a destroyed village. The ruthless spoiler has been at work and swept away the shelter that honest industry had prepared for suffering and toiling humanity. A conqueror would not have had time and security to do the mischief which is perpetrated in safety under the guardianship of the laws by the Irish themselves. Within the Union of Kilrush, in the year of grace 1849, and before the coming of the month of June, about 16,000 persons had been unhoused out of 82,358, and 1200 were unhoused within one fortnight of May 7, in all, one-fifth or 20 per cent of the whole population were turned out of their houses and the houses pulled down. Not less than 2890 houses were levelled in the Union of Kilrush in the years 1848-49. Ireland is now marked with many such monuments of the terrible mistakes of landlords and of the legislature as the roofless village represented in our Sketch.


THE ILLUSTRATED LONDON NEWS [Dec. 15, 1849]             

Having last week introduced this important subject to our readers, and given them some of the statistics of Kilrush, we shall henceforward allow our Correspondent to speak for himself:–

I assure you (he says) that the objects of which I send you Sketches are not sought after– I do not go out of my way to find them; and other travellers who have gone in the same direction, such as Lord Adair, the Earl of Surrey, and Mr. Horsman, will vouch, I am sure, for the accuracy of my delineations. The Sketch of Moveen, to which I now call your attention, is that of another ruined village in the Union of Kilrush. It is a specimen of the dilapidation I behold all around. There is nothing but devastation, while the soil is of the finest description, capable of yielding as much as any land in the empire. Here, at Tullig, and other places, the ruthless destroyer, as if he delighted in seeing the monuments of his skill, has left the walls of the houses standing, while he has unroofed them and taken away all shelter from the people. They look like the tombs of a departed race, rather than the recent abodes of a yet living people, and I felt actually relieved at seeing one or two half-clad spectres gliding about, as an evidence that I was not in the land of the dead. You may inquire, perhaps, and I am sure your readers will wish to know, why it is that the people have of late been turned out of their houses in such great numbers, and their houses just at this time pulled down, and I will give you my explanation of this fact.

The public records, my own eye, a piercing wall of woe throughout the land– all testify to the vast extent of the evictions at the present time. Sixteen thousand and odd persons unhoused in the Union of Kilrush before the month of June in the present year; seventy-one thousand one hundred and thirty holdings done away in Ireland, and nearly as many houses destroyed, in 1848; two hundred and fifty-four thousand holdings of more than one acre and less than five acres, put an end to between 1841 and 1848: six-tenths, in fact, of the lowest class of tenantry driven from their now roofless or annihilated cabins and houses, makes up the general description of that desolation of which Tullig and Moveen are examples. The ruin is great and complete. The blow that effected it was irresistible. It came in the guise of charity and benevolence; it assumed the character of the last and best friend of the peasantry, and it has struck them to the heart. They are prostrate and helpless. The once frolicsome people– even the saucy beggars– have disappeared, and given place to wan and haggard objects, who are so resigned to their doom, that they no longer expect relief. One beholds only shrunken frames scarcely covered with flesh– crawling skeletons, who appear to have risen from their graves, and are ready to returned frightened to that abode. They have little other covering than that nature has bestowed on the human body– a poor protection against inclement weather; and, now that the only hand from which they expected help is turned against them, even hope is departed, and they are filled with despair. Than the present Earl of Carlisle there is not a more humane nor a kinder-hearted nobleman in the kingdom; he is of high honor and unsullied reputation; yet the Poor-law he was mainly the means of establishing for Ireland, with the best intentions, has been one of the chief causes of the people being at this time turned out of their homes, and forced to burrow in holes, and share, till they are discovered, the ditches and the bogs with otters and snipes.

The instant the Poor-law was passed, and property was made responsible for poverty, the whole of the landowners, who had before been careless about the people, and often allowed them to plant themselves on untenanted spots, or divide their tenancies– delighted to get the promise of a little additional rent– immediately became deeply interested in preventing that, and in keeping down the number of the people. Before they had rates to pay, they cared nothing for them; but the law and their self-interest made them care, and made them extirpators. Nothing less than some general desire like that of cupidity falling in with an enactment, and justified by a theory– nothing less than a passion which works silently in all, and safely under the sanction of a law– could have effected such wide-spread destruction. Even humanity was enlisted by the Poor-law on the side of extirpation. As long as there was no legal provision for the poor, a landlord had some repugnance to drive them from every shelter; but the instant the law took them under its protection, and forced the landowner to pay a rate to provide for them, repugnance ceased: they had a legal home, however inefficient, to go to; and eviction began. Even the growth of toleration seems to have worked to the same end. Till the Catholics were emancipated, they were all– rich and poor, priests and peasants– united by a common bond; and Protestant landlords beginning evictions on a great scale would have roused against them the whole Catholic nation. it would have been taken up as a religious question, as well as a question of the poor, prior to 1829. Subsequent to that time– with a Whig administration, with all offices open to Catholics– no religious feelings could mingle with the matter: eviction became a pure question of interest; and while the priests look now perhaps, as much to the Government as to their flocks for support, Catholic landlords are not behind Protestant landlords in clearing their estates. English notions and English habits, without any reference to the causes of English greatness– which are not to be found in a Poor-law and farms of a particular size– impressed law-makers and the landlords of Ireland with a strong desire to enlarge and consolidate farms, and clear them of the squatters and subtenants, who had formerly been permitted, if not encouraged. With a Poor-law, that desire could be safely acted on, and so it supplies a temptation and the means to carry eviction extensively into effect.

The evictions were numerous before the potato rot. It was not that great calamity, therefore, that superinduced them, it was the chief cause of the present desolation. The potato harvest and harvests of every kind have been lost many times before 1846, without reducing the people to their present misery. But that calamity threw the people at the mercy of the Government, and the Government used its power directly and indirectly, in accordance with the theory, to clear the land. Out-door relief was established in that season of distress, and relief altogether was coupled with the resignation of the land. The poor were required to give up their heritage, small though it were, for less than a mess of pottage. A law was passed, the 11 and 12 Vic. c. 47, entitled, “An Act for the Protection and Relief of the Destitute Poor Evicted from the Dwellings,” which provided a means of evicting them, subjecting the landlords to the necessity of giving notice to Poor-law guardians, and to the share of a common burden. Under such stimuli and such auspices, the clearing process has gone on in an accelerated ratio, and Ireland is now dotted with ruined villages, and filled with a starving population, besieging the doors of crowded workhouses, and creeping into the halls and chambers of the deserted mansions of the nobility and gentry. A gentleman’s mansion turned into a poor-house, is a fit emblem of the decay that a mistaken policy has brought on all classes. The system intended to relieve the poor, by making the landlords responsible for their welfare, has at once made it the interest, and therefore the duty, of the landlords to get rid of them. Extirpation is accordingly going forward at a rapid rate; and the evidence of that is now placed before the eyes and the understanding of the readers of the ILLUSTRATED LONDON NEWS.

I will give you, by-and-by, some notices of driving for rent, of landowners impoverished by rates, and of bankrupt unions; but at present I must draw attention to some of the other Sketches I send. The Scalp of Brian Connor (here represented) has been already described; it is another illustration of the worse than pig-sty habitations of those who did live in the now roofless cottages. Another Sketch follows (of Miss Kennedy), which shows that, amidst this world of wretchedness, all is not misery and guilt. Indeed, it is a part of our nature that the sufferings of some should be the occasion for the exercise of virtue in others. Miss Kennedy (about seven years old) is the daughter of Captain Kennedy, the Poor-law Inspector of the Kilrush Union. She is represented as engaged in her daily occupation of distributing clothing to the wretched children brought around her by their more wretched parents. In the front of the group I noticed one woman crouching like a monkey, and drawing around her the only rag she had left to conceal her nudity. A big tear was rolling down her cheek, with gratitude for the gifts the innocent child was distributing. The effect was heightened by the chilliness and dreariness of a November evening, and by the wet and mire in which the naked feet of the crowd were immersed. On Captain Kennedy being appointed to the Union, his daughter was much affected by the misery of the poor children she saw; and so completely did it occupy her thoughts, that, with the consent of her parents, she gave up her time and her own little means to relieve them. She gave away her own clothes– she was allowed to bestow part of her mother’s– and she then purchased course materials, and made up clothing for children of her own age; she was encouraged by her father and some philanthropic strangers, from whom she received sums of money, and whose example will no doubt be followed by those who possess property in the neighbourhood; and she devoted herself with all the energy and perseverance of a mature and staid matron to the holy office she has undertaken. The Sketch will, I hope, immortalize the beneficent child, who is filling the place of a saint, and performing the duties of a patriot.

On all sides I hear praises of the amiable child and her excellent father, and this is not without a moral for the landlords. The public officers who are appointed to administer and control the relief of the poor, have it in their power to do much for the people. Mere kindness of manner, though they render no substantial assistance, endears them to the suffering crowd. Captain Kennedy is at once kind, charitable, and judicious. He is at the head of the Union. He fills for the people the most important office in the district. He is the great man of the place. It must be so in other districts. The funds are contributed by the landowners, but they are distributed by public officers. Thus the Poor-law, which disposes of the landowners’ property, also deprives them of the pleasure and the burden of distributing it themselves. A public officer is made, in fact, to administer their estates, and he stands between them and their compulsory bounties, securing the respect and confidence which they might and ought to have. The more the subject is examined, the more, I have no doubt, it will be found that the poor-law is as injurious to the landlords as it is to the people.

Searching for Potatoes is one of the occupations of those who cannot obtain out-door relief. It is gleaning in a potato-field– and how few are left after the potatoes are dug, must be known to every one who has ever seen the field cleared. What the people were digging and hunting for, like dogs after truffles, I could not imagine, till I went into the field, and then I found them patiently turning over the whole ground, in the hopes of finding the few potatoes the owner might have overlooked. Gleaning in a potato-field seems something like shearing hogs, but it is the only means by which the gleaners could hope to get a meal.

The Sketch of a Woman and Children represents Bridget O’Donnel. Her story is briefly this:– “I lived,” she said, “on the lands of Gurranenatuoha. My husband held four acres and a half of land, and three acres of bog land; our yearly rent was £7 4s.; we were put out last November; he owed some rent. We got thirty stone of oats from Mr. Marcus Keane, for seed. My husband gave some writing for it: he was paid for it. He paid ten shillings for reaping the corn. As soon as it was stacked, one “Blake” on the farm, who was put to watch it, took it away to his own haggard and kept it there for a fortnight by Dan Sheedey’s orders. They then thrashed it in Frank Lellis’s barn. I was at this time lying in fever. Dan Sheedey and five or six men came to tumble my house; they wanted me to give possession. I said that I would not; I had fever, and was within two months of my down-lying (confinement); they commenced knocking down the house, and had half of it knocked down when two neighbours, women, Nell Spellesley and Kate How, carried me out. I had the priest and doctor to attend me shortly after. Father Meehan anointed me. I was carried into a cabin, and lay there for eight days, when I had the creature (the child) born dead. I lay for three weeks after that. The whole of my family got the fever, and one boy thirteen years old died with want and with hunger while we were lying sick. Dan Sheedey and Blake took the corn into Kilrush, and sold it. I don’t know what they got for it. I had not a bit for my children to eat when they took it from me.”

The last Sketch shows the Scalpeen of Tim Downs, at Dunmore, in the parish of Kellard, where himself and his ancestors resided on the spot for over a century, with renewal of their lease in 1845. He neither owed rent arrears or taxes up to the present moment, and yet he was pitched out on the roadside, and saw ten other houses, with his own, levelled at one fell swoop on the spot, the ruins of some of which are seen in this Sketch. None of them were mud cabins, but all capital stone-built houses.

I must conclude my present communication with an account of a great catastrophe, which has hurried 37 of the poor wretches that depended on the Union of Kilrush, with four other persons, into eternity. The Union will be relieved by an accident at which humanity mourns:–

“On the evening of Wednesday week intelligence reached the town of Kilrush that a large number of persons, most of whom were paupers, who had been seeking out-door relief at Kilrush, were drowned while crossing the ferry on their return to Moyarta. No less than 33 dead bodies were washed ashore on the northern side of the ferry. They were removed to an adjacent field, and the coroner, Mr. Frank O’Donnell, arriving soon after from Kilkee, an inquest was held on their wretched remains. It appeared upon the inquiry that no less than 43 or 45 persons (for they could not tell the exact number), were allowed to crowd into a crazy and rotten boat, which had been plying on this ferry for the last forty years. The boat moved on as far as the middle of the ferry, when a sea broke over her stern, and filled her at once, the wind blowing strong from the south-west at the time. She upset instantly, and her miserable living freight were immersed in the merciless waters, while four (who were eventually saved) clung to her until a boat from Captain Cox’s men came to their assistance. The verdict of the coroner’s jury was as usual in such cases, but imputing gross neglect, and attaching censure to the owners of the boat, for admitting such a number of persons into so frail a craft. With the exception of four, the victims were all paupers who had frequently come into the town in vain to seek out-door relief, and were returning that sad evening to their wretched hovels in the parishes of Moyarta and Kilballyowen.”


From the town of Kilrush to Kilkee, on the shore of the Atlantic, I passed through an unimproved district, on which nature has bestowed fertility, and man has levelled the habitations that were built in happier days. In a drive of seven miles I counted thirty-three roofless houses. Kilkee is a beautiful spot. Round a bay, from which the ground rises like an amphitheatre, are planted many villas and baths. The scenery is bold, and the waves, after rolling across the vast Atlantic, spend their last force on the rocks, dying amidst noise and foam. From its situation, it is worthy of its name, the “Western Brighton,” and it is worthy of notice, showing that nature has left nothing that can contribute to prosperity, not even a suitable bathing-place, unprovided in the Union of Kilrush. From Kilkee, through Kilard and Donoughboy, I went to Moveen the roofless, of which I have already sent you a Sketch. I was told here a melancholy tale of the widow Hogan and her four children, who were all carried out of her cabin in a helpless state of fever, and laid down in a ditch on the opposite side of the road, where they remained several days, when a humane stranger had them carried to the hospital, eleven miles off. To Tullig from Kilkee, I counted ninety-two roofless houses. Passing afterwards through the picturesque village of Cariegaholt to Donagha and Querin, I counted 105 dwellings in ruins. Clarefield, to which I came next, baffles description. Adults, who appeared idiotic; children, wrinkled with care, so that they appeared like aged persons; and men who should not be worn out, but more helpless than children, with scarcely a rag to cover them, crowded the place. Their habitations were mere kennels. I was heart-sick, and said “Surely there cannot be so much suffering and neglect in any other spot on the face of the earth!” I returned to Kilrush, glad to find a refuge even in it from the more appalling misery of the surrounding villages.

Leaving Kilrush once more, I proceeded northwards to Enaghmonmore, Derryard, and Donmore, and in this distance I counted thirty houses levelled. In the whole district there is not one respectable or even decent house. Kilard, to which I next came, is another ruined village, in which the extirpation of the old Irelanders has been complete. Afterwards I passed through the village of Doonbeg, a spot possessing every natural advantage, one half of which has been destroyed by the landowners, and remains, with its pointed gables and a few blackened rafters, a sad contrast even to the miserable houses that are left standing. The people who are yet left alive are crowded into dens, or rather dog-holes, where, in a space not sufficient for two persons, twenty are glad to find shelter.

Two wretched families have taken refuge under the bridge in a hole. They consist of two widows, one with three children, all ill of jaundice, and the other with five. The history of Judy O’Donnel, one of the widows, is worthy of being sketched. She had given evidence against a dishonest relieving officer whose relative was a driver upon the estate on which she lived, and Judy’s house was very soon afterwards levelled with the ground. The wreckers came upon it in her absence, when her son gallantly defended his home. He mounted on the roof with a bag of stones, and kept the enemy at bay till his ammunition was exhausted, when he was obliged to give in, and stand by to see the little furniture of his mother cast into the road and the house pulled down. Judy exhibited her receipts for the rent up to the last gale; and she declared the agent of the owner, to whom she had tendered what was due twice, had refused, and that she was ejected because she deposed against the dishonest public servant. Judy and Margaret O’Donnel, with their families, then retired to the hole under the bridge, represented in the sketch, and there they are now suffered to remain, holding their habitation at the mercy of the county surveyor. They are afraid of being ejected even from this spot, and dare not cross the stepping-stones shown in the Sketch lest they should be taken up for trespassing. Judy O’Donnel’s son is dying of dysentery.

Before quitting Kilrush altogether, I must give you some further particulars of the Union and of its inhabitants. I must first tell you that at present the population of the Union is decreased from 82,358 in 1841 to 65,000; and, as 31,549 persons were receiving relief in June, actually 48 per cent of the inhabitants are paupers, and such paupers as the veriest paupers in England would hasten to relieve. What has become of the 17,358 who, contrary to the course of nature, which everywhere delights in the increase of sentient beings, unlike warriors and Irish landlords, and has provided for the continual ennobling of all, I cannot precisely say. Some few, a very small fragment, may, by emigration, have escaped from the desolation, and found a refuge in England, or a happier home across the Atlantic; but the great majority has been starved out of existence.

“I see,” said Captain Kennedy, writing on January 2, this year, in the papers published by the House of Commons, “masses of the people starving, and the land, which could be made to feed treble the number, lying all but waste.” In the special returns I find entries like this:– “This man, Michael Considine, in consequence of having land, could not be relieved. His wife and nine children died of actual want.” The following table of deaths in the workhouse will throw some light on this painful subject:–


Thus, the whole number of deaths in the workhouse, in 1847, exceeded the average number of inmates by 43. It was only less than the largest number ever present (1192) by 117. In 1847, the paupers entered the workhouse only to die. In 1848, the case was not quite so bad; the deaths were 202 less than the average number present in the workhouse, and 469 less than the largest number (1678) ever present. In 1849, the mortality was much lessened, partly owing to a change in the management, under vice-guardians, who had superseded elective guardians, and partly owing to the vast number of previous deaths, which left, in 1849, fewer to die. Of all the frightful mortality I ever heard of, except that of the Black-Hole of Calcutta, or that of the fore-cabin of the Londonderry steamer, that of the Kilrush Union workhouse is the most frightful. Nor was there, according to the theory of Mr. Doubleday (who asserts that births are in proportion to want and misery), any increase of children to compensate. In the half-year ending March 25, 1849, there was not a single birth in the Kilrush Union; in that ending September 25, there were only four; while the average number of inmates was 2200. Neither pestilence nor war can cause depopulation like a short crop, combined with the evictions dictated by a false theory, and the belief that, under the direction of legislation, the evicted people will be benevolently provided for in a union workhouse.

The area of the Union is 178,935 acres; and in 1841, therefore, the population was in the proportion of one soul to every 2-1/2 acres, or far below the poet’s standard of every rood of ground maintaining its man, and far below the proportion of population to acres in Lancashire. The area of that shire, according to Mr. McCulloch– for high authorities differ on such a matter of geometrical measurement– is 1,130,240 acres, and its population, in 1841, was 1,667,054; or, there was then 1-1/2 souls to every acre; since then the population has, no doubt, increased at least in as large a proportion as the less dense population of Kilrush has been destroyed. May I mention this contrast as some elucidation of the great question at issue in the world, as to the effects of commerce and manufactures united with agriculture, and of agriculture alone, in sustaining a population. In proportion to Lancashire, Kilrush– which consists for the most part of a very fertile soil; which is admirably situated at the mouth of a great river, possessing also a large extent of sea-coast, in the neighbourhood of an abundance of fish; whose people are actually starved out of existence– was, before the depopulation began, only one-third as densely peopled as Lancashire. The valuation of the Kilrush Union is put down at £59,449, or something more than 6s. 2d. per acre. The annual value of real property in Lancashire is put down in 1841 at £5,266,606, or upwards of £4 13s. per acre. Thus, while the population of Lancashire, per acre, is three times as great as that of Kilrush, the value of property is thirteen times as great. These little data, applicable in a great degree to the whole of agricultural Ireland, may serve to explain the different effects of commerce and manufactures as contrasted with agriculture, and the different operation of a Poor-law falling on the rapidly increasing property of commercial and prosperous England and on the poverty of agricultural and decaying Ireland.

It is not my object, nor can it be yours, nor that of any reflecting man, to hold up the unfortunate landowners of this district to public indignation. They are the heirs and the victims of a vicious system. I have forborne, therefore, to mention their names in conjunction with the unfortunate creatures whose cases I have brought before you. I will, however, before I quit the subject altogether, mention that the principal proprietors and middlemen of the Union are Colonel Vandeleur, O’Gorman Mahon, John McDonnel, the Marquis of Conyngham; Messrs. Westropp, John McMahon, Blackall, Major Brooks, Charles Wilmot Smith, Hugh P. Hickman, H. Stewart Burton, Mr. Westly, and Messrs. Stackpooles, minors. I may also give you the following account of the houses levelled within the Union of Kilrush, in the last two years:– Kilmurry Strikane, 604; Kilard, 621; Moyarta, 402; Kilrush, 305; Knock and Kilmer, 111; Kilmichael, 221; Kilmacdooane, 167; Kilballyowen, 150; Kilkee, 165; Kildysart, 80; Kilfidane, 40; Kilofin, 30: Total, 2891.

I must now take leave of Kilrush, which I left on my way to Ennistimon. Similar scenes of desolation to those I had beheld for several days continued; and on both sides of the road, as far as the eye could reach, it fell on “tumbled” and roofless houses. Now and then I saw on the borders of a bog or quagmire some of the scalps in which the people seek to preserve their lives. On arriving at the bog of Cahuermore, I alighted at the scalp shown in the Sketch, which Mr. Monsel and his companions discovered to their surprise, and found in it a woman dying of the customary fever which attends on want of food and clothing and the ordinary necessaries of life. Than this scalp, nothing could be more wretched. It was placed in a hole, surrounded by pools, and three sides of the scalp (shown in the Sketch) were dripping with water, which ran in small streams over the floor and out by the entrance. Yet, wretched as this hole is, the poor inhabitants said they would be thankful and content if the landlord would leave them there, and the Almighty would spare their lives. Its principal tenant is Margaret Vaughan, whose history has found its way before the public, and a more wretched history, even in this country of wretchedness, is scarcely to be found. Not far from her cave is the destroyed village of Kilmurry Strikane, another of those pictures of desolation of which I have already sent you too many. For the present I will leave them, and turn to a little oasis of humanity in the desert of misery.

A short drive from Kilmurry brought us to the summit of a hill where the face of the country appeared instantly to have changed. It was like passing from the Catholic to the Protestant cantons of Switzerland, or rather like a dream. At once I came on neat white-washed houses and tidy gardens, with the haggard or farm-yard enclosed, and generally containing something worth taking care of. I had entered on the domain of Colonel Windham, who is not tired of his fellow-creatures, and does not seek to exterminate them. Not a roofless house did I see here. Whether Colonel Windham have spent a large fortune on this place, or whether he have gained money while he has promoted the happiness of his tenantry, I am not informed; but when he contrasts his property with the surrounding estates, he must feel himself a proud and a happy, if not a rich, man. The whole face of the country is altered, and all the people you meet, whether men, women, or children, seem cheerful, as if they had plenty of the means of subsistence. On the very threshold of his property stands a national school, equally picturesque from its position, and admirable for its management. Though a single example is by no means conclusive of what might be equally done by all, and there never can be any just reliance on a system which places the welfare of the many at the discretion of a few, and wrecks the happiness of a whole community when the hereditary owner of a large property is a worthless extortioner and spendthrift, yet I must say the conduct of Colonel Windham adds to the loathing with which we regard many of his neighbours. More fortunate, however, than many of them, he inherited an unencumbered property and an ample fortune in England, which enabled him to spare his Irish tenants without falling prey to exacting creditors, when the famine fell on the land.

On coming to Spanish Point, so named from a portion of the Armada having been wrecked on it, I found an enormous building, once called the Atlantic Hotel, converted in to an auxiliary union workhouse. It is an emblem of what is everywhere going on– the change from productive industry, to destructive pauperism, the cessation of hope and enterprize, and the spreading of apathy and despair. I love the ocean with its incessant life, a great emblem of eternity, and I found the scenery on its shores, about Spanish Point, bold and attractive. From thence, however, to Ennistimon, through Lohyncha, there is nothing so remarkable as the absence of those roofless villages and skeleton houses I had found so abundant in the districts about Kilrush.

I send you herewith a Sketch of Driving for Rent. It may serve to vary a little the miseries I have to portray.



AFTER seeing the Ennistymon Union, and finding it in much the same desolate condition as that of Kilrush, I am about to pass into Galway; but before I leave the county of Clare I must give you a brief summary of the four Poor-Law Unions into which it is divided:–

In the whole county of Clare, therefore, the proportion of persons relieved is 43 per cent of the total population of 1841– now lessened at least 20 per cent. The expense of the four unions is estimated at £200,000 per annum, or 73 per cent of the total valuation. But, as much of the land is now out of cultivation, the valuation has declined as much as the population. I knew one gentleman in the Ennistymon union who pays, and will have to pay till next September, 18s 1-1/2d. in the pound on his whole receipts on account of poor-rates, county cess, &c. One great misfortune of the Poor-law is, that, as it increases the burden, it incapacitates the landowner from bearing it. The diminution of the rate-paying power is in proportion to the increase of pauperism. The population of Clare is only 1 person to every 2-3/4 acres. There is, therefore, plenty of room in the county, plenty of all the natural sources of wealth, or of those agents out of which industry creates all wealth; yet in Clare, wealth is the one thing needed, and industry, therefore, is defective. Man, not nature, is to blame; and all the woes of Ireland come from bad national husbandry. The great want being wealth of all kinds, and the great want having long been wealth, it is plain that a Poor-law that provides for idleness and destitution, and lessens the natural stimulus to industry; which decreases wealth and devotes it to unproductive consumption, is one of the last measures any reasonable being would have had recourse to for the purpose of regenerating Ireland. What I have shown to be true of Kilrush, and true of Clare, is true of by far the greater portion of the island. The same leading facts exist everywhere: everywhere there is a scanty population in relation to space as compared to Lancashire, and a very redundant population as compared to the wealth in existence; everywhere there is great abundance of all the natural means of opulence, and scandalous neglect or ignorance in applying them. The Poor-law is obviously calculated to encourage idleness to prey on the wealth already in existence. Lessening the motives for exertion, whatever interest it may give the landlords in keeping their estates clear of paupers, it will prevent in future the creation of wealth. It does the very thing, therefore, that ought not to be done. As I see before me the sickening evidence of its operation, it is plain, whatever measures may be required to regenerate Ireland, that the Poor-law is only the climax of the ignorant legislation that, operating in silence through the ages, has perverted the Irish, and made their naturally fertile abode one scene of desolation.

On the road from Ennistymon to Ballyvaughan, the extreme part of Clare, for about thirty miles I saw nothing particularly worthy of being mentioned. I passed by the property of Mr. Cornelius O’Brien, late M.P. for the county of Limerick, which, like that of Colonel Wyndham, is in a credible condition. No scalps or scalpeens were visible, but there was bog reclaimed from barrenness by thorough draining, and impregnated with fertility by the hand of industry. Afterwards, on the road on the Birchfield property, I saw some specimens of the abortions of the Board of Works– roads driven into the midst of bogs, and left unfinished, conducting nowhere, and serving no purpose. Nor was the neighbourhood without those roofless villages and tumbled-down houses I have so continually met with. Some potato-fields were to me a more agreeable sight; and in this part of the country the cultivation of that root is still continued extensively. I shall not trouble your readers with any of the local disputes which I am obliged to hear and read a great deal about. Vice-guardians, inspectors, &c., men who have the difficult and ungrateful task of carrying the Poor-law into execution, need much indulgence, and must fall even, if they be exempt from the partiality, the selfishness, the desire of avoiding trouble, and of sparing their own purses, which distinguish men in their situation. On such subjects, all classes wrangle and write a great deal, and the poor guardians have to bear the blame of the opthalmia at Athlone, which has already destroyed the sight of twenty-seven children, of the want of adequate supplies for the crowds of paupers, and of all the disease and wretchedness in the workhouse they are forced to behold, and must vainly try to alleviate. That there may be jobbing and carelessness it is impossible to deny; but the multitude of inspectors, relieving officers, and guardians and critical rate-payers, gives rise to endless criminations and recriminations, such as always take place amongst conflicting authorities in a state of uncertainty and doubt, with difficulties before them which they cannot overcome. These things, even to the opthalmia at Athlone, are the natural consequences of the law which crowds people stricken with misery and disease into the workhouses, and places them under the government of men ignorant of the means of organisation, and having an interest to provide for them as badly as possible. It is only another evidence of the impropriety of establishing such a law for a people in such a condition.

I crossed the bay to Galway, and proceeded towards Clifden by a route devoid of interest, exhibiting, in a less degree than in Clare, the usual signs of devastation in progress. Mr. Martin’s property extends almost the whole way from Ouchterade to Clifden, and is a mixture of mountain, moor, and fertile land, capable of indefinite improvement, with great facility of water carriage, but most sadly neglected. It is a bad sign for the next harvest, and for the people of this country, that in my whole journey from Galway I did not see more than from thirty to forty persons, including all ages and sexes; and, with the exception of ten men working under a road contractor, few or none of them were at work.

At Carihaken the levellers have been at work, and tumbled down eighteen houses. In one of them dwelt John Killian, who stood by me while I made the accompanying sketch of the remains of his dwelling. He told me that he and his fathers before him had owned this now ruined cabin for ages, and that he had paid £4 a year for four acres of ground. He owed no rent: before it was due, the landlord’s drivers cut down his crops, carried them off, gave him no account of the proceeds, and then tumbled his house. The hut made against the end wall of a former habitation was not likely to remain, as a decree had gone forth entirely to clear the place. The old man also told me that his son having cut down, on the spot that was once his own garden, a few sticks to make him a shelter, was taken up, prosecuted, and sentenced to two month’s confinement for destroying trees and making waste of the property.

I must supply you with another Sketch of a similar subject on the road between Maam and Clifden, in Joyce’s County, once famous for the Patagonian stature of the inhabitants, who are now starved down to ordinary dimensions. High up on the mountain, but on the road-side, stands the scalpeen of Keillines. It is near General Thompson’s property. Conceive five human beings living in such a hole: the father was out, at work; the mother was getting fuel on the hills, and the children left in the hut could only say they were hungry. Their appearance confirmed their words– want was deeply engraved in their faces, and their lank bodies were almost unprotected by clothing.

At Kylemore my companion bought a turbot, weighing from 18lb. to 20lb., for 1s 6d., and might have had it for 1s. had he driven a hard bargain. The fact indicates that the sea would supply plenty of food if man would take the trouble to procure it. A similar capacity of the equal capacity of the soil is found at a short distance from Kylemore. Two enterprising Englishmen, of the name of Eastwood, planted themselves there about four years ago, and all around them the bleak and barren moor has been changed into well laid-out fields– some green with herbage, and others brown and dingy with the stubble of the carried corn. There is a comfortable lodge, in the Elizabethan style, and around it suitable farm buildings. The whole indicates skill, industry, and good taste; it indicates, too, great courage in overcoming a moral as well as a physical opposition. The Messrs. Eastwood have, in some measure, conquered the habits of the people, which was a more difficult task than subduing the neglected and deserted heath. They will be pioneers to others, who will select, let us hope, this fertile and promising wilderness for the scene of their exertions, instead of wrestling against the arid sands of Australia, or engaging in competition for the plains of the Mississippi with emigrants from all the countries of Europe. Their example has in fact been followed; and between their abode and Clifden two or three beginnings have been made– so that the country adjoining that town exhibits several signs of improvement.

This neighbourhood, before the potato rot came, was not so entirely occupied by the cultivation of the root as some other parts of the country. In the Union of Kilrush, for example, in 1848, there were 11,569 acres under potatoes, out of an area of 178,935 acres; in the Union of Clifden there were only 3714 acres, out of an area of 189,504 acres, under potatoes. The fact is of some importance, in explaining the comparative ease with which the poor in Clifden have been disposed of. Clifden itself is an exotic in an unfavourable climate. It was reared by the patronage of the late Viscount; and since that ceased, it began to decline: the Poor-law has almost finished it. Before we reached, we learned that all the guardians of the union were out of money, and obliged to pay for what they wanted by cheques, which they are to receive in payment of the rates. Extreme poverty exists in the neighbourhood– the soil around is poor– great numbers of houses have been levelled– but the poor, unlike those of Kilrush, have in great part disappeared with the houses. They have not found refuge in the workhouse– they have not been carried away as emigrants; they have either wandered away or have died, or both may have contributed to cause their disappearance. I have a list of 111 houses levelled within a few months in the immediate neighbourhood of Clifden, which is very considerable, considering that the whole population of the Union was only 33,465 in 1841. Assuming five inmates to a house, the sixtieth part of the population has been dispossessed. Here, too, there is little more than one person to every six acres; or, scanty as is the population of Clare, the population of the Union of Clifden is not, in relation to acres, half so abundant. I have taken a Sketch of the workhouse, which I send as a memorial of this pet place of the late Viscount Clifden.

From Clifden to Ouchterade, twenty-one miles, is a dreary drive over a moor, unrelieved except by a glimpse of Mr. Martin’s house at Ballynahinch, and of the residence of Dean Mahon. Destitute as this tract is of inhabitants, about Ouchterade some thirty houses have been recently demolished. A gentleman who witnessed the scene told me nothing could exceed the heartlessness of the levellers, if it were not the patient submission of the sufferers. They wept, indeed; and the children screamed with agony at seeing their homes destroyed and their parents in tears; but the latter allowed themselves unresistingly to be deprived of what is to most people the dearest thing on earth next to their lives– their only home.

I returned to Galway, where the Poor-law officials are not communicative, nor is there in the Union any extraordinary fact to communicate. The old town is a jumble of thatched mud cabins, stone-built houses, and the remains of a former splendour, old sculptures and carvings, putting to shame the homely and even rude houses of a modern date. The people are remarkable for the vivid colours of their dresses, amongst which red predominates, and some lingering traces of a foreign origin may yet be discovered in their countenances. Here, as in most other sea-ports and fishing towns, particularly of Ireland, hulking men lounging about were numerous, and appeared to have every other capacity to work but the will. You are not annoyed, however, by mendicants in Galway, as in other Irish towns, though there is a universal complaint of distress finished by the exclamation, “That last five-shilling rate is a death-blow to all.”

From Galway I proceeded to Ennis, and in the neighbourhood inspected the village of Clear, which had been destroyed within a few weeks, and some part of it within a few days. The Sketch of Pat Macnamara’s Cabin shows the condition of the village. In Ennis I went through the lanes and alleys, and amongst the most distressed part of the population. In one small room, not 20 feet square, I found congregated fifteen people, young and old, exhibiting nearly all the phases of want and squalor. From the smoke which filled the place, it was a Rembrandt scene, and it was with difficulty I could make out the forms of the wretched groups, or of the squalid and dying child on the floor. In the union workhouse of Ennis there is order, decency, and regularity. With it is conjoined a farm of eighteen acres, which is well cultivated by the labour of the paupers. It is wisely placed under the superintendence of one of the Lord Clarendon’s practical agricultural instructors; and probably he is as well employed in displaying his skill at the farm as in any other mode of teaching his art.

At Ennis, I consider my tour terminated; and I shall only send you further some general observations on the Poor-law, and some suggestions as to what might reasonably be done for Ireland.



THE LAW, which many of the priests and people sought to make “as expensive as possible” to the landlords, fell heavily on them. A proposition, made in the progress of the bill, to subject mortgages to the rate, was of course scouted; and thus the landlord had to pay the half rate on the whole of his rental, while the larger part of that, in many cases, went to the mortgagee. The authors of the bill looked to the landowners for the improvement of the land, but the measure crippled their resources. Dublin production was needed; the law diminished production; and the owners, from the blindness of avarice, and the haste with which they carried out the evictions, helped to injure themselves. But the law incited them to do wrong, and took away the means by which they might have repaired some of the damage. Thus it did mischief to the landowner as well as the occupier. What good could it do– as it diminished the quantities of food– to those who were neither owners not occupiers?

However industrious and energetic the Irish may be when removed from the incessant control, dictation, and restraint they are subject to in Ireland, there is abundant testimony to show that at home they have no superfluous energy and industry. The condition of their country is the unanswerable proof. Writing about 1725, Swift describes the native Irish as giving themselves wholly up to idleness, nastiness, and thieving. “Even farmers,” he says, “who pay great rents, live in filth and nastiness upon buttermilk and potatoes, without a shoe or stocking to their feet, or a house so convenient as an English hogstye.” It is the usual practice,” he says, “of an Irish tenant, rather than want land, to offer more for a farm than he knows he can ever be able to pay, and in that case he grows desperate and pays nothing at all.” Bishop Berkeley, writing in 1749, said, “The house of an Irish peasant is the cave of poverty. Their fields and gardens are a lively counterpart of Solomon’s description in the Proverbs. ‘I went,’ said that wise King, ‘by the field of the slothful and by the vineyard of the man void of understanding, and lo! it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered the face thereof, and the stone wall thereof was broken down.’ You often meet whole families in a drove without clothes to cover or bread to feed them, both of which might be easily procured by moderate labour.” The negroes in our plantation have a saying, that if negro was not negro, an Irishman would be negro. The very savages of America are better clad and better lodged than the Irish cottagers throughout the fine fertile counties of Limerick and Tipperary.” So he asks in his “Querist,” “Whether the bulk of our Irish natives are not kept from thriving by the cynical content in dirt and beggary which they possess to a degree beyond any other people in Christendom.” Coming down to our own times, Captain Kennedy, in his reports and letters from Kilrush, published by the House of Commons, describes both landlords and tenants as unfit for energetic exertion. “The peasant’s life was passed in planting his potatoes in the spring, digging them up in autumn, and dozing through the winter over the turf fire which cost him nothing.” The instant a misfortune fell upon him he was destitute and helpless. “Again,” he says, writing on April 6, 1846, “improvident, ignorant, thriftless parents, scarcely human in habits and intelligence only, present themselves with nine or ten skeleton children when they themselves can no longer support the pangs of hunger, and their children are beyond recovery. . . . . Hundreds of instances occur where an acre of land worth 15s. is let for £3 . . . . . In default of payment, the occupiers are bound to give 140 days’ labour during spring and harvest, which, at 8d. a day, amounts to £4 13s. 4d. . . . . 100 or 120 days’ labour is given for a cabin worth 7s. 6d. a year. . . . . The half-witted occupiers” he says on April 13, 1848, “are too often deluded by the specious promises of under-bailiffs, and induced to throw down their own cabin for a paltry consideration of a few shillings, and an assurance of out-door relief.”

I might quote much more testimony to the same effect, but this will satisfy every candid mind that the condition of the Irish has been for a long period similar to their present condition. They are thriftless and improvident beyond example. In their own country, at least, they have long been deficient in energy to help themselves. The Poor-law, by pretending to provide for them, justified and promoted their indolence and improvidence. Between them, too, and the landlords, there was an hereditary feud; and when they were told they were to be maintained at the expense of the landlords, they had the strongest motives to indulge in laziness. The law pandered to all their hereditary vices; it declared them entitled to be maintained at the expense of those whom they regarded as oppressors. Like the others, they did not know that the law would ruin the occupiers, or their own people, as well as the foreign and Protestant landlord. They thought only of its letter, and hastened to indulge in laziness at the landlord’s expense. It became popular to sneer at industry. The law diminished the motives for that essential virtue, while it ruined the little occupiers, and impoverished the landlords. For eight years it had been in force before the potato rot came, which only made manifest its terrible effects on the possessions, habits, and minds of the people. The law, replete, as I have very briefly endeavoured to point out, with the most disastrous effects, was advocated with the very best intentions by leaders of all parties. Sir Robert Peel described it as demanded by public opinion. We are, however, well aware that universal approval is no index to the effects of a law. Most certainly it did not elevate the Irish. It did not save a single life nor solace a single misery. It served only a few officials. It added amazingly to the number of the destitute, and it helped to degrade the people almost past the hope of recovery.

All these and many similar effects resulted from the Poor-law of 1838; and no words can characterize the fright-begotten, principle-forgetting law, to extend out-door relief to the Irish, passed by the present Ministry in 1847. I believe all reflecting politicians who found their science on principle, in preference to passion– and all isolated and single present facts are interpreted by us with passion, and therefore partake of its character– condemned the mode in which the Ministry dealt with the calamity of 1846. They at once induced the people to give up the cultivation of the soil, and so increased the mass of destitution that nothing appeared feasible to its terrified authors, except to substitute for their misplaced charity, out-door relief. The law of 1847 was only the extension of the law of 1838; but its effects have been more destructive of life than the worst pestilence we read of in history. It is well characterized by the statement, “that the peasantry will pull down their own cabins for an assurance of out-door relief.” We are told, in more than one union, that the majority of the applicants are “the holders of small farms, which they relinquish to obtain relief.” The law substituted dependent pauperism for honest industry, and made it the actual rule of conduct in the greater part of Ireland. If it be criminal to ordain and encourage vice, then is the British legislature the most criminal body in existence.

Its imbecility, indeed, equals its criminality. It is impossible to carry the law into execution. In several instances it has been of necessity suspended; in several others the Government has carried out the law by grants of public money; and in several unions at this moment the rates cannot be collected, and relief is refused for want of means to give it. Should it be said that the recent seasons are entirely exceptional, I might dispute the statement; but I can safely allege that an enactment that is fit only for fair weather may be caprice– a spirit of good temper– a little misplaced benevolence– but is not a law. At this time Kilrush and several other unions are bankrupt. In 1848, twenty-one unions expended in all, under the direction of the law, £508,829, and could collect only £198,556; the Government and the British Association supplied the remainder. According to a Parliamentary paper, the estimated demand on those twenty-one unions for 1849 was £568,829 and the utmost rate which could be collected was not expected to produce more than £273,481. Without Government or charitable aid, the law would be a nullity. In the union of Milford, Donegal, out of a population of 38,108 persons, only 779 men and 287 women were employed– about one in thirty-eight. No poor-rate levied on the industry and property of that union could possibly support the population. similar facts are true of every part of Ireland, and the law would be only an imbecile farce if it were not more terribly ruinous than it is ridiculous.

I should now say a few words on the probable means of helping the Irish; but the length of this communication, the many suggestions that are before the public, and the excellent recommendations of Mr. Bright, command me to stop. From the conspicuous failure of the Poor-law, which had a benevolent origin, and was almost universally approved of, I dread the responsibility of helping forward the mighty mischief– the ruin of a people– by an injudicious recommendation. I must avoid adding to the confusion that already exists, by refusing to increase the many nostrums by which it is expected Ireland may yet be redeemed. One remark only will I make.

Nearly all the circumstances of which Mr. Bright justly complains– “entails,” “primogeniture,” “heavy stamps and difficulties in disposing of land,” “insecurity for tenants,” “imperfect representation of the people,” an “incongruous Church establishment”– exist, or did recently exist, in Great Britain, so far as the enactments in the statue-book are concerned, just as they exist in Ireland. In spite of them, however, and not in consequence of any legislation, the English have worked out their own advancement. For years past, instead of taking the law from the Legislature, they have in fact imposed the law on it. The Legislature has only given a technical form and dress to the will of the people. It is far less the law, therefore, than the difference in energy and knowledge, which causes the might difference in prosperity between Great Britain and Ireland. Consulting history, and in particular the economic history of our own country, during the last century, I cannot find any example of national prosperity, and the increase of national wealth, produced directly by the acts of the Legislature. On the contrary, I see the rise of our chief manufactures, the improvement of our agriculture, the progress of knowledge, and the rapid march of invention, have all ensued in spite of its acts, which, manifested as exorbitant Customs and Excise duties, Stamp duties, and Corn-laws, have one and all been impediments to the national progress. Our immediate improvement, and our great hope for the future, are based on having recently got rid of a law. I therefore cannot expect, like Mr. Bright, any improvement for Ireland from the hand of the Legislature. Laws are of inconceivably small importance compared to the spirit of the people who have to administer and submit to them. The improvement of Ireland, therefore, must come from the Irish themselves; and the best we can expect from legislation is, that it should, as far as it can, and as rapidly as convenient, undo the work it has done in Ireland.



I intended my last communication to be the conclusion, but, on looking over my portfolio, I find another Sketch or two– one of which, at least, you may think worthy of being published. The village of Killard forms part of the Union of Kilrush, and possesses an area of 17,022 acres. It had a population, in 1841, of 6850 souls, and was valued to the Poor-rate at £4254. It is chiefly the property, I understand, of Mr. John MacMahon Blackall, whose healthy residence is admirably situated on the brow of a hill, protected by another ridge from the storms of the Atlantic. His roof-tree yet stands secure, put the people have disappeared. The village was mostly inhabited by fishermen, who united with their occupation on the waters the cultivation of potatoes. When the latter failed, it might have been expected that the former should have been pursued with more vigour than ever; but boats and lines were sold for present subsistence, and to the failure of potatoes was added the abandonment of the fisheries. The rent dwindled to nothing, and then came the leveller and the exterminator. What has become of this 6850 souls, I know not; but not ten houses remain of the whole village to inform the wayfarer where, according to the population returns, they were to be found in 1841. They were here, but are gone for ever; and all that remains of their abodes are a few mouldering walls, and piles of offensive thatch turning into manure. Killard is an epitome of half Ireland. If the abodes of the people had not been so slight, that they have mingled, like Babylon, with their original clay, Ireland would for ages be renowned for its ruins; but, as it is, the houses are swept away like the people, and not a monument remains of a multitude, which, in ancient Asia or in the wilds of America, would numerically constitute a great nation.

May I, in conclusion, remind your readers that the class of men in whose name, by whose bidding, and for whose supposed advantage all this ruin has been wrought, are still blindly treading in the same path. They are even now taking counsel together, to compel the wretched beings left on the land to seek the means of subsistence from the soil they monopolise. Their hope is, to keep up rent; the effect of their wishes, were they embodied into a law, would be to continue extirpation. A fall of price, and a decay of rent– the necessary consequences of suspending labour and getting rid of consumers– have lessened their incomes, and to gross ignorance of the effects of legislation, are now added decay and anger. It is estimated that the value of property rateable to the poor has fallen from upwards of £13,000,000 to less than £9,000,000 in three years, while all the obligations of the landowners are undiminished, and, in many cases, increased. Some great proprietors have been already sold up; and many of those who escape that degradation will only retain nominal possession of their domains. Under such circumstances it may be expected that the landowners will struggle desperately, but they will struggle in vain; for, in extirpating the people, instead of aiding and encouraging their exertions, they have snapped the sinews of their own strength.

But I must leave this painful subject. The worst, it may be hoped, is passed. Though legislation can only help the people by undoing this its work, and setting them free, it is not in human nature to perish without a struggle. The land is still here, all the elements of wealth are still in existence; public attention is intensely directed to social phenomena; opportunities of improvement, as they arise, will be embraced; and landlords, farmers, peasants, and priests will each do something to help themselves, and will promote the prosperity of all.

The late dreadful lesson has given them dear-bought knowledge; suffering has made it a part of their existence, and they cannot get rid of it if they would. For those who have outlived famine, and legislation more desolating than famine, brighter prospects are dawning, but they can only be secured and enjoyed by their own exertions. To grow in prosperity, the Irish must not be continually deceived by a false reliance on those who have hitherto deluded them, and who are even now claiming all the credit of the improvement that is for ever springing from the struggles of individuals to better their condition.


[1] Cathal Póirtéir, Famine Echoes - Folk Memories of the Great Irish Famine: An Oral History of Ireland's Greatest Tragedy (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1995).

[2] l or £ (pound) , is an old unit of British currency.  There were 20 shillings in a pound. The l is derived from the Latin word, libra.

[3] lb is an abbreviation for pound, a unit of measurement. The abbreviations is derived from the old Latin phrase,  libra pondo, meaning “a pound by weight.”

[4] See Richard Reid, Farewell My Children: Irish Assisted Emigration to Australia, 1848-1870 (Spit Junction, NSW, 2011), pp 141-53.

[5] Chris O’Mahony, ‘Emigration from the workhouses of County Clare, 1848-59’ in Matthew Lynch and Patrick Nugent (eds), Clare: History and Society (Dublin, 2008), pp 272-4. 


[7] Chris O’Mahony, “Emigration from the workhouses of County Clare, 1848-59” in Matthew Lynch and Patrick Nugent (eds), Clare: History and Society (Dublin, 2008), pp 272-4.  When the emigration schemes were initiated, there were 5,000 inmates in the Kilrush workhouse and the seven auxiliary workhouses that had to be rented to accommodate the pauper population.

[8] Limerick Reporter and Tipperary Vindicator, 24 Feb. 1852;  Galway Vindicator, 9 Jun. 1852; Papers Relative to Emigration to the North American Colonies, HC 1852-3 (1650), lxviii, p. 9.

[9] Nation, 6 March 1852;  Galway Vindicator, 13 March 1852.

[10] Chris O’Mahony, ‘Emigration from the workhouses of County Clare, 1848-59’ in Matthew Lynch and Patrick Nugent (eds), Clare: History and Society (Dublin, 2008), pp 272-4.  When the emigration schemes were initiated there were 5,000 inmates in Kilrush workhouse and the seven auxiliary workhouses that had to be rented to accommodate the pauper population.

[11] Seventh annual Report of the Commissioners for Ministering the Laws for the Relief of the Poor in Ireland with Appendices, HC 1852-3 (1645), lxviii, p. 8, 146-9.

[12] Available at:

The Great Hunger: Select Bibliography

P.M.  Austin Bourke, The Visitation of God?: The Potato and the Great Irish Famine (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1993)

Brendan Bradshaw, “Nationalism and Historical Scholarship in Ireland,” Irish Historical Studies (vol. xxvi, November 1989)

Patrick Campbell, Death in TemplecroneAn Account of the Famine Years In Northwest Donegal, 1845-1850 (Princeton Academic Press, 1995)

L.A. Clarkson, Paul S. Ell and Liam Kennedy, Mapping the Great Irish Famine: An Atlas of the Famine Years (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1999)

 Marguerite Corporaal,  Memories of the Great Famine and Ethnic Identity in Novels by Victorian Irish Women Writers, inEnglish Studies, 90, no. 2 (2009): 142-156

 John Crowley and William J. Smyth (eds) The Atlas of the Great Irish Famine, 1845-52 (Cork: Cork University Press, 2011)

 George Cusack and Sarah Goss (eds) Hungry Words. Images of Famine in the Irish Canon (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2006)

 Mary E. Daly, The Famine in Ireland (Dundalk: Dublin Historical Association, 1986)

Enda Delaney, The Curse of Reason. The Great Irish Famine (Gill and Macmillan, 2012)

Stephen Devereux, Theories of Famine (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994)

James S. Donnelly, The Great Irish Potato Famine (Gloucestershire: Sutton, 2002)

R. Dudley Edwards and T. Desmond Williams (eds.), The Great Famine: Studies in Irish history 1845-52 (first pub. 1956)

 F.T.B. Dufferin, Narrative of a Journey from Oxford to Skibbereen during the Year of the Irish Famine (first pub. in 1847)

Terry Eagleton, Heathcliff and the Great Hunger (London: Verso, 1995)

Terry Eagleton, “The Ideology of Irish Studies,” Bullán: An Irish Studies Journal, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Spring 1997)

James Esse [James Stephens]. Hunger (Dublin: The Candle Press, 1918)

Melissa Fegan, Literature and the Irish Famine, 1845-1919 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002)

Patrick Fitzgerald et al., Irish Hunger and Migration. Myth, Memory and Memorialization (Quinnipiac University Press, 2015)

Roy Foster, “We are all revisionists now,” The Irish Review, vol. 1. 1986

Robin Goodbody, A Suitable Channel: Quaker relief in the Great Famine (Dublin, 1995)

Peter Gray, Famine, Land and Politics: British Government and Irish Society, 1843-50 (Irish Academic Press, 2001)

Luke Gibbon, et al. Famine Folios (Quinnipiac University Press, 2014)

Arthur Gribben (ed.), The Great Famine and the Irish Diaspora (University of Mass., 1999)

Robin Haines, Charles Trevelyan and the Great Irish Famine (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004)

J. Hart, “Sir Charles Trevelyan at the Treasury,” in English Historical Review, LXXXV (1960)

Tom Hayden, Irish Hunger: Personal Reflections on the Legacy of the Famine (Roberts Rinehart, 1997)

Patrick Hickey, The Famine in West Cork: the Mizen Peninsula, Land and People (Mercier Press, 2002)

Donal Kerr, A Nation of Beggars. Priests, People and Politics in Famine Ireland (Oxford, 1994)

Christine Kinealy, This Great Calamity. The Irish Famine 1845-52 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1994; repub. 2006)

Christine Kinealy, A Death-Dealing Famine. The Great Hunger (London: Pluto Press, 1997)

Christine Kinealy, The Great Irish Famine. Impact, Ideology and Rebellion (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002)

Christine Kinealy, Charity and the Great Hunger. The Kindness of Strangers (London: Bloomsbury Press, 2013)

Christine Kinealy and Gerard MacAtasney, The Hidden Famine. Hunger, Poverty and Sectarianism in Belfast (London: Pluto Press, 2000)

Matthew Lynch and Patrick Nugent (eds), Clare: History and Society (Dublin: Geography Publications, 2008)

Matthew Lynch, The Mass Evictions in Kilrush Poor Law Union during The Great Famine (Miltown Malbay: Old Kilfarboy Society, 2013)

Gerard MacAtasney, The Famine in Lurgan/Portadown (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 1997)

Gerard MacAtasney, The Other Famine: The 1822 Crisis in County Leitrim (History Press, 2011)

Stuart J. McLean, The Event and its Terrors: Ireland, Famine, Modernity (Stanford University Press, 2004)

Terrence MacDonough, Was Ireland a Colony? Economy, Politics, Ideology and Culture in Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2005)

Gerard Moran, Sending Out Ireland’s Poor. Assisted Emigration to North America in the Nineteenth Century (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2013)

Ignatius Murphy, A People Starved: Life and death in West Clare, 1845-1851 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press 1996)

Ignatius Murphy, Before The Famine Struck: Life in West Clare 1834-1845 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press 1996)

Maureen Murphy, Compassionate Stranger. Asenath Nicholson and the Great Irish Famine (Syracuse University Press, 2015)

David P. Nally, Human Encumbrances: Political Violence and the Great Irish Famine (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2011)

Asenath Nicholson, Annals of the Famine in Ireland, in 1847, 1848, and 1849 (New York, 1851)

Michael O’Gorman, A Pride of Paper Tigers: A history of The Great Hunger in the Scariff Workhouse Union from 1839 to 1853 (Clare: East Clare Heritage 1994)

 Ciarán Ó Murchadha , Sable Wings Over the Land: Ennis, County Clare and its wider community during The Great Famine (Ennis: Clasp Press, 1998)

Ciarán Ó Murchadha, County Clare Studies: Essays in Memory of Gerald O’Connell, Sean O Murchadha, Thomas Coffey and Pat Flynn (Ennis, Clasp Press, 2001)

Ciarán Ó Murchadha, The Great Famine: Ireland's Agony 1845-1852 (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2011)
Cormac Ó Gráda, An Drochshaol: Béaloideas agus Amhráin(Baile Atria Cliath: Coisceim, 1994)

Cormac Ó Gráda, Black '47 and Beyond: The Great Irish Famine in History, Economy, and Memory (Princeton University Press, 2000)

Cormac Ó Gráda, Famine: A Short History (Princeton University Press, 2010)

Cormac Ó Gráda, Eating People Is Wrong and Other Essays on Famine, Its Past, and Its Future (Princeton University Press, 2015)

Canon John O'Rourke, The Great Irish Famine (Dublin: Veritas Publications 1989. First pub. in 1874)

Cathal Poirteir (ed), The Great Irish Famine, (Cork: Mercier Press, 1997)

Cathal Poirteir, Famine Echoes (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1995)

Vijayendra Rao and Michael Walton (eds), Culture and Public Action (Stanford, 2004)

Richard Reid, Farewell My Children: Irish Assisted Emigration to Australia, 1848-1870 (NSW: Spit Junction, 2011)

Ciarán Reilly, Strokestown and the Great Irish Famine (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2014)

Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines: an Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (Oxford University Press, 1981)

Alexander Somerville, Letters from Ireland during theFamine of 1847 (Irish Academic Press, 1995)

Charles Trevelyan, The Irish Crisis (Edinburgh Review, 1848)

David Valone and Christine Kinealy (eds), Memory. Silence and Commemoration. Ireland’s Great Hunger (American University Press, 2002)

David Valone (ed.), Ireland's Great Hunger: Relief, Representation, and Remembrance  (University Press of America, 2009)

Thomas J. Westropp,  A Folklore Survey of County Clare and County Clare Folk-Tales and Myths (Ennis: Clasp Press, 2000)

Cecil Woodham-Smith, The Great Hunger, 1845-49 (first pub. 1962 by Hamish Hamilton)